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only and is 
a day thei 
indicated L 











REV. J. S. WATSON, M.A., M.R.S.L. 



19 14. 



[Reprinted from Stereotype plates.] 

/ 3Q0G 


This volume completes the " Classical Library " 
Translation of Xenophon's Works. 

To each piece are prefixed a few critical or 
illustrative remarks ; and notes are appended to all 
passages where obscurity, or the conflicting opinions 
of commentators, appeared to render them necessary. 

J. S, W. 



Agesilaus, Eulogy of . ■ . 1 

Hiero, a Dialogue on Royalty . . .43 

ceconomicus, on the management of a farm and household 71 
The Banquet ....... 148 

Apology of Socrates ..... 192 

On the Lacedaemonian Government .... 202 

On the Athenian Government . 231 

On improving the Revenues of Athens . . . 247 

On Horsemanship .... . 266 

Hipparchicus, or the Dutizs of a Commander of Cavalry 302 
On Hunting ....... 330 

Fragments of Letters 374 



As Xenophon had been for several years the companion and 
familiar friend of Agesilaus in Asia, and also, after the machina- 
tions of Tithraustes, in Greece, it is not surprising that he desired 
to honour him after his death with a distinguished eulogy. That 
the " Agesilaus" was written with this view is stated by the author 
himself at the commencement of the treatise ; and that Xenophon 
wished to present the example of an excellent king and general for 
imitation is signified in the tenth chapter. 

The panegyric begins with a brief narrative of the military exploits 
of Agesilaus, which is followed by an equally concise account of his 
manners and character. Xenophon did not make it his object to 
give a detail of the life of Agesilaus in precise conformity with 
historical exactness ; for to write a panegyric is a far different task 
from writing a biography : the biographer writes not only for his 
contemporaries, but for posterity ; but the panegyrist merely re- 
capitulates to the people of his own day what they have themselves 
seen or known, and consequently thinks it sufficient to touch on 
many of his facts, and to recall them to the memory of his readers, 
in very few words ; and hence it happens that various particu- 
lars in this little treatise are related with great brevity, and, though 
well known in the time of Xenophon, are obscure to us. Such 
are those which we read in the second chapter, sect. 25. seqq. ; 
nor would those which are told in sect. 6 and 20 be sufficiently in- 
telligible, if we had not a knowledge of them from other sources. 

But the greatest difference between the biographer and the en- 
comiast is, that the biographer has to relate everything that is of 
importance to be known, for whatever reason, whether as deserving 

VOL- Ill s 


of praise or of censure, while the encomiast merely selects such 
facts as may render the character of the person whom he praises 
most worthy of admiration and most agreeable to contemplate. 
Bearing this in mind, we shall not wonder that many circumstances 
are omitted in the Agesilaus which are related in the Hellenica ; 
for Xenophon, in composing the eulogy of Agesilaus, has com- 
prised in it whatever would exhibit to advantage the character of 
an excellent king and able general, but has passed over whatever 
would contribute nothing to the praises of his hero. He has ac- 
cordingly made no mention of the envy with which Agesilaus is said 
to have annoyed Lysander, Hellen. iii.4. 7 ; of the Spartan cavalry 
routed by that of Pharnabazus, iv. 3. 13; of the disaster of the 
Spartans described iv. 6. 10 ; or of the fact that the seizure of the 
Cadmeia was not disapproved by Agesilaus, v. 2. 32 ; since these 
particulars could have no place in a panegyric. 

On the other hand, as many things are found in the Hellenics 
which could not be included in the eulogy, so many are men- 
tioned in the eulogv which Xenophon regarded as having no 
concern with the history of Greece. Of this sort are the accounts 
of the descent and birth of Agesilaus, and of the power of the 
Spartans, c. 1, sect. 2; of Agesilaus's singular contrivance for en- 
riching his soldiers, c. 17 ; of his mode of exercising and improving 
his troops, c. 2, sect. 7> and of several other matters. 

The other portion of the treatise contains praises of the virtues 
and merits of Agesilaus ; and here, as elsewhere, Xenophon writes 
as a disciple of Socrates. He first treats of the piety of Agesilaus, 
2. 3, without a foundation in which no other virtue can be imagin- 
ed ; and then of three other virtues, which always hold a chief 
place in the moral teaching of Socrates, justice, c. 4, temperance, 
c. 5, and fortitude, c. 6; with fortitude is coupled patriotism, c. 7, 
which, in a panegyric on a Spartan king, required particular notice ; 
and after having enumerated the virtues of which every one who 
would be a man of integrity and honour must be possessed, he 
touches on those which are a credit to men of power and dignity, 
as modesty, readiness to do services, cheerfulness, kindness, disre- 
gard of assumption and mere wealth, good faith towards allies, 
contempt of external splendour and ostentation, and simplicity in 
dress and living, c. 8. That the nature of this simplicity may be 
more clearly exhibited, a comparison is then made, c. 9, between 
Agesilaus and the king of Persia ; and in the tenth chapter, Xeno- 
phon sets forth Agesilaus as an example in every way deserving of 

The panegyric being thus, as is evident, properly and excellently 
brought to a conclusion, it may seem strange that an eleventh 
chapter is added. A glance at the contents of this chapter will 
show that they want connexion and proper arrangement ; but 
what was the origin or object of the fragmentary sentences of 


which it is composed no critic has as yet clearly discovered. That 
Schneider is greatly mistaken, in supposing that the principles and 
sources of virtues are indicated in the chapter, is very plain. The 
hypothesis adopted by Heiland is of a different nature, but not at 
all nearer the truth : for he imagines that Xenophon thought of 
correcting the Agesilaus, and noted down, for that purpose, the 
sentences contained in this chapter, intending to substitute them 
for what is now contained in the second portion of the panegyric. 
These two points he has not made clear, as he ought to have done ; 
he has not shown why Xenophon should have meditated a cor- 
rection of the treatise, nor proved that what he thinks Xenophon 
would have substituted is better than what we now find. Sauppe 
has given a more plausible opinion, as he felt persuaded that the 
sentences forming the eleventh chapter were written, not after, 
but before, the treatise was composed. Breitenbach. 

After some further remarks, Breitenbach gives it as his opinion 
(agreeing in this point with Sauppe and Heiland) that the sen- 
tences or memoranda constituting the eleventh chapter were found 
after Xenophon's death, and that somebody composed an additional 
chapter out of them, placing at the head of it the few introductory 
words that now stand there. 

Valckenaer, on Herod, ix. 27, and some other critics, have ex- 
pressed a suspicion that the " Agesilaus " is not Xenophon's, as the 
style of it is more sustained than that of a great portion of his other 
writings ; but it can hardly be taken from him on this account, for 
there are in the Cyropaedia, as Breitenbach observes, and in other 
parts of Xenophon's works, many passages not less elevated in 
diction, and some even more so, than any parts of the Agessiiau* 
Both Weiske and Schneider agree in opposing Valckenaer. 



The birth of Agesilaus and his personal merit, for which he was made king 
His expedition to Asia ; his truce with Tissaphernes, which the satraj 
violates; his successful invasion of Phrygia. His clemency to his prisoners, 
xle raises a body of cavalry, defeats Tissaphernes, and lays waste the 
territory o* Sardis. He is recalled to the defence of his country, and is 
attended by many of the Asiatic Greeks, whom he had attached to himself 
by his kind and judicious conduct. 

1. I am well aware that it is not easy to write an ade- 
quate eulogium of either the virtues or glory of Agesilaus. 
But the attempt must nevertheless be made ; for it would not 
be right, that because he was a thoroughly good man, he should 
on this account fail of obtaining any praises, though even 
less than he deserved. 1 

2. With respect then to his nobility of birth, what could 
any one say of it, greater or more honourable, than that even 
to the present day, when his ancestors are mentioned, 2 it is 

1 OvSe fiHoviov liraiv^v.'] Ne inferiores quidem virtutibus. Breitenbach. 

2 To?e 'jrpoyovoig bvofxa^o^kvoiQ a7ro[i.v7ifM)V£iitTai.~\ Etiam nunc, quum 
w.ajores enumerantur , una commemoratur Agesilaus, quotus ab Herculefuerit. 
Breitenbach. He observes that such datives generally have a reference to 
time in connexion with the nominative case to the verb on which they de- 

,„jXa<jav. Xen. Anab. v. 1. 10, Aevo(pu>vTi eta rng ^Jtror/waj 
■jropevoix4vo3 (i.e. when he was going) o\ imrtie, TrpoKaraOtovTic, isivy- 

§ 3,] 


recounted how far removed he was in his descent from Hercu- 
les j 1 and these ancestors being, not private individuals, but 
kings the descendants of kings. 3. Nor, indeed, as to this 
point, could any one possibly disparage them, by saying that 

Xavovm 7rpf<r€evraTg 7ropevofievoiQ, k, t. \. On this use of the dative lie 
adds, consult, above all, Bernhardy, Synt. p. 82 ; Matth. Gr. Gr. § 562, 
2; Rost. § 131,3 j Buttm. § 145, 5 ; Kiihn, $ 669. 

1 The Lacedaemonians had always two kings, of the two families of Pro- 
clus and Eurysthenes, who were the first kings of Sparta, and descendants of 
Hercules. See G. Nep. Ages; c. 1. The subjoined table shows the descent 
of Agesilaus from Hercules. 


Married (1) Dejanira, (2) Auge, daughter of Aleus king of Arcadia, famed 

for his skill in building temples. 

1. Ctesippus. 2.Telephus, 
king of Lycia. 

1. Hyllus, who defeated and 1. Antilochus. 
slew Eurystheus, married Iole, 
daughter of Eurystheus. 

i 1 ! 

Cleodaeus. He endeavoured to recover the Peloponnesus after his father's 
death, but to no purpose. 

i ' 1 

Aristomachus, with his three sons, conquered the Peloponnesus. 

becomes king of Sparta ; 
married Argia, daughter 
to Autesion. 

king of Messenia, 
married Merope, 
daughter of Cypselus, 
king of Arcadia. 

Procles. His descend- Eurysthenes. His de- 
ants were called Pro- scendants were called 
cleidae. Eurysthenidae, after- 

wards Agidae. 


becomes king of Argos, 
having expelled the reign- 
ing sovereign Tisamenes. 

Twin brothers, they both 
reigned together, by order 
of the oracle of Delphi. 




i ! 1 


His reign was so glorious that his descendants were called 

Polydectes. Lycurgus, the celebrated lawgiver, was the guardian of 
Charilaus, who was a posthumous child. 

i ' 1 


Theopompus. He established the Ephori. 

r ' 1 

Anaxandrides. Archidamus, died before his father. 


they were indeed kings, but kings of an ordinary state ; 1 
for, as their family is the most honourable of their native land, 
so their state is also the most renowned in Greece ; so that they 
are not first amongst the second, but chief amongst the chief. 2 
4. On this account, assuredly, it is right to eulogize alike 3 
both his native country and his family; for neither did the 
state at any period, through envy of their preeminence in 
honour, attempt to overthrow their authority ; nor did the 
kings ever aim at greater power than was consistent with the 
terms on which they received the kingly authority at first. 4 
Accordingly no other government is known, whether democratic, 
or oligarchic, or tyrannic, or hereditary, that has continued 
constantly uninterrupted, but this government alone maintains 
an unbroken succession. 

. 5. That Agesilaus, however, even before he began to reign, 
was thought worthy of the throne, the following circumstances 
are proofs. For when Agis, who was king, died, and when 


i ' 1 


i ' , 

Leoty chides. 

i ' 1 


Agis. He attempted to restore the laws of Lycurgus at Sparta, and was 
strangled by order of the Ephori. 

i — ' —i 


i ' i 

Leoty chides. He defeated the Persians at the famous battle of Mycale. 
, 1 _ , 

Zeuxidamus. Lampito. 

i ' , 

Archidamus II. 

f~ — — ' -n 

Agis II. Agesilaus II. (Agesilaus I. was of the family of Eurysthenidae.) 

1 n6\eu>g da ttjq zTnTvxov(sriQ.~] Such a state as may easily be met 
with ; i. e. small and of no account. 

2 They were not the leaders of the second-rate powers of Greece, but 
the chief of the first-rate powers. 

3 Kotry, in the sense of una, pariter, simul, as Sturz very properly 
takes it in his Lexicon. 

* ObSiiriltiroTE fxuZ,6vu)v topkxQnoav, k. r. \.] Nunguam majora con- 
wpiverunt, quam fervent conditioner, quibus initio regnum accelerant. 


Leotychidas on the one hand, as son of Agis, Agesilaus on th8 
other, as son of Archidainus, contended for the throne, the 
state, having decided that Agesilaus was more free from objec~ 
tion, both as to birth and merit, 1 appointed him king. And, in 
truth, when he was, in a most powerful state, deemed by the 
most honourable worthy of the highest honour, what furthei 
proof is required of his merit, at least before he began to- 
reign ? 

6. It is the actions, however, which he performed during 
his reign, that I shall now 2 relate ; for from his actions I 
consider that his character also will be best shown. Agesilaus, 
then, while he was still in the prime of life, 3 obtained the 
kingly authority; and, when he was but just established in 
the government, news was spread that the king of the Persians 4 
was collecting a large naval and land force, as if intending to 
make an attack upon the Greeks. 7. But while the Lacedae- 
monians and their allies were deliberating on these tidings, 
Agesilaus offered, 5 if they would give him thirty Spartans, 6 
and two thousand neodamods, 7 and the complement of allies, 
to the number of six thousand, to crossover into Asia, and 

1 What is here attributed solely to the birth and merit of Agesilaus, was 
due in a great measure to the influence of Lysander. See Plutarch, Ages. 
c. 3; Nep. Ages. c. 1. Pausan. iii. 8, fin. Nor has Xenophon in the 
Hellenics, iii. 3. 3, failed to notice this point, which however he did not 
think fit to introduce in a eulogy. Breitenbach. 

2 ~Nvv jj^q.] Anab. vi. 32, 'Qg icai vvv AkZnnroQ ijdi) distaXXtv abrov. 

3 "En fist' vfog <ov.] From c. 2, sect. 28, it appears that Agesilaus died 
when he was about eighty years old, b. c. 360 or 36], and as he became 
king b. c. 398, he must then have been about forty-three years of age. 
Breitenbach. See Plutarch, Ages. c. II. Juvenis in Latin is used in as 
extended a sense as vkoq here. Schneider. 

4 Artaxerxes. The commencement of the war is mentioned by Xenophon, 
Hell. iii. 3. 4; 4. 1. 

5 Agesilaus is said by Xenophon, Hellen. iii. 4. 2, to have undertaken 
this expedition, and the command Gf it, by the persuasion of Lysander ; 
see also Plutarch, Ages. c. 6 ; Lysand. c. 23. Heiland. 

• The thirty Spartan nobles are meant, who used to accompany the king 
when he took the field, and act as counsellors to him. Plutarch calls 
them thirty riyefLoveg and ovfx€ov\ot. Schneider. See Xen. Hellen. iii. 4 
20, v. 2. 7, vii. 2, 3 ; Plutarch, Ages. c. 6 ; Lysand. c. 23 ; Diod. Sic. xiv. 

7 The veodafiojSeig, or " newly enfranchised," were freedmen, but dis- 
tinct from the Helots who had obtained their freedom, as appears from 
Thucyd. v. 34, and Athen. vi. 102. That the Spartans themselves were 


endeavour to make peace ; or, if the barbarian preferred fight- 
ing, to allow him no leisure for marching against the Greeks 
8. Immediately, then, many, since the Persian had formerly 
crossed over into Greece, greatly admired this desire of going 
over against him, as well as the resolution to fight with him 
by attacking rather than waiting to be attacked, and the wish 
to carry on the war by consuming his resources, rather than 
allowing those of the Greeks to be consumed ; and it was 
judged the most honourable of all things to make a stiuggle 
for the dominion, not of Greece, but of Asia. 

9. But after he took his army g.nd set sail, how can any one 
more plainly show how he acted as commander, than by 
narrating the actions themselves which he performed ? 10, 
The following was his first action in Asia. Tissaphernes 2 took 
an oath to Agesilaus, that if he would make a truce until the 
messenger whom he was sending to the king should return, 
he would procure for him that the Greek cities in Asia should 
be left independent ; and Agesilaus took an oath on his part, 
that he would observe the truce faithfully, prescribing three 
months for the completion of the matter. 1 1 . Tissaphernes, how- 
ever, immediately violated the conditions to which he had 
sworn ; for, instead of keeping peace, he sent for a large force 
from the king, in addition to that which he had before ; while 
Agesilaus, though he was aware of this, nevertheless adhered 
to the terms of the truce. 12. To me, then, he seems to have 
done this, first of all, with great honour, as, by showing 
Tissaphernes to be perjured, he caused him to be distrusted 
by all ; and by showing himself on his own part, first, as an ob- 
server of oaths, secondly, as no violator of agreements, he in- 
duced all, both Greeks and barbarians, to enter with him 
confidently into any compact that he wished to make. 

13. But when Tissaphernes, greatly elated at the army 
which came down to hinij declared war against Agesilaus, 
unless he should withdraw from Asia, the rest of the allies, 

not sent out in those times to carry on war in distant countries, but the 
perioRci and neodamods, is rightly interred by Heiland from Thucyd. vii. 
58 ; Xenoph, Hellen. hi, 1. 4; v, 2. 24. Breitenbach. 

1 It is to the expeditions of Darius and Xerxes that allusion is made, 

8 Chief of the king's satraps ; an unprincipled man, and eminently hos- 
tile to the Greeks. Plutarch, Ages. c. 10. Breitenbach. 


and the Lacedaemonians who were present, became mani- 
festly much troubled, considering that the force then with 
Agesilaus was inferior to the force of the king ; but Agesi- 
laus, with a very cheerful countenance, ordered the ambassa* 
dors to report to Tissaphernes that he was under a great ob- 
ligation to him ; because, by committing perjury, he had got 
himself the gods for enemies, but had made them allies to the 
Greeks. 14. Immediately after this he gave orders to his 
soldiers to make preparations as if for an expedition ; and 
he sent notice to the cities, to which it was necessary for him 
to go in marching into Caria, to prepare provisions for sale ; 
he also directed the Ionians, jEolians, and dwellers near the 
Hellespont, to send to him at Ephesus the troops that were 
to march with him. 15. Tissaphernes, on his part, thinking 
—as well because Agesilaus had no cavalry, and Caria was 
unsuited for horse, as because he considered that he was en- 
raged with him on account of his deceit — that he would cer- 
tainly march into Caria to make an attack upon his palace 
there, transported thither the whole of his infantry, and led 
round his cavalry to the plain of the Mseander, supposing that 
he was strong enough to trample down the Greeks with his 
horse before they could reach the parts that were difficult for 
cavalry. 16. But Agesilaus, instead of advancing towards 
Caria, turned in the opposite direction, and proceeded straight 
towards Phrygia ; and, taking the forces that met him on the 
march, he led them on, and reduced the towns, and, as he fell 
upon them unexpectedly, took a vast quantity of booty. 
17. He was thought also to have acted in this respect in 
a manner worthy of a general, namely, that when war was 
declared, and to deceive became from that time just and 
right, he showed that Tissaphernes was a mere child in deceit ; 
and he was considered to have prudently enriched his friends 
on the occasion. 18. For when everything was sold at almost 
next to nothing, in consequence of so much booty having been 
taken, he gave notice to his friends to buy, saying that he 
should shortly go down to the sea, 1 taking down with him 
his army ; and he ordered those that sold the spoil to write 
down at what price his friends bought anything, and to de- 

1 To some place of trade on the coast, where they might sell what they 
had bought to advantage. Schneider, 


liver up * the property to them ; so that his friends, without 
paying ready money for anything, or causing detriment to the 
public treasury, all amassed large sums of money. 2 19. Be- 
sides, when deserters, as was common, went to the king, 3 and 
offered to guide him to treasures, 4 he took care that these 
also should be captured by his friends, that they might at 
once get money, and become more distinguished. By these 
means, accordingly, he soon rendered many desirous of his 

20. But being well aware that a country which has been 
ravaged and desolated could not possibly support an army for 
a long time, but that one which is inhabited and cultivated 
might afford never-failing sustenance, he made it his object 
not only to subdue his enemies by force, but to win them 
over by mildness. 21. He often, indeed, desired his soldiers 
not to ill-treat those whom they took prisoners, as if they 
were dishonest characters, but to take care of them as human 
beings ; and frequently, when he moved his camp, if he ob- 
served that any little children belonging to the traders, (child- 
ren that many used to sell, 5 because they thought that they 
should be unable to carry them about and keep them,) had 
been left behind, he took care also of these, that they might all 
be conveyed to some place together. 6 He directed also such of 
the prisoners as were left behind on account of their age, to 

1 UpoteoOai.] Arbitrio permittere ; emptori res venditas tradere. Brei- 

2 They made their profits without apparent detriment to the public 
treasury, because they paid (after they had sold the property) what they 
had engaged to give for it when it was offered for sale, as recorded against 
them in the accounts of the XavpoirwXac, or commissioners who sold it ; 
what they actually sold it for, beyond what they had promised to give, 
was their profit. All booty taken in war among the Lacedaemonians was, 
as Breitenbach observes, public property. 

3 Agesilaus. 

4 Xprffiara tSkXotev vtprjyeiaSai.'] To point out hidden treasures, or 
sums of money, and to act as guides to the places where they were de- 
posited. Schneider. 

* Children, which the soldiers had seized as a portion of spoil, are 
mentioned as having been bought by the camp-followers, in the Cyrcpae- 
dia, iv. 5. 42 ; vi. 2. 38. Breitenbach. The ifiiropoi in the text are, as 
Schneider observes, the camp-followers. 

6 "07TWC (TvyKOfiiZoivro 7roi.] Might be brought together into some safe 
place without the camp where the older prisoners might keep them under 
their charge. Sch?ieidei. 

§ 22 — 26. J HE IMPROVES HIS ARMY. J 1 

take charge cl them, that they might not be destroyed by 
dogs or wolves. So that not only those who heard of this 
conduct, but even the very prisoners themselves, became well- 
disposed towards him. 22. And whatever cities he gained 
over, exempting them from such services as slaves perform for 
their masters, he imposed upon them only such obedience as 
the free pay to their rulers ; and some of the fortresses which 
could not have been taken by force, he brought into subjection 
by his humanity. 

23. When, however, he could not pursue his marches through 
the plains, even in Phrygia, on account of the cavalry of 
Pharnabazus, it became evident to him that he must raise a 
body of cavalry, so that it might not be necessary for him to 
carry on the war like a fugitive. 24. He therefore made a list of 
the richest men in all the cities in those parts, to keep horses ; 
and he gave notice that whoever should supply a horse 
and arms, and an approved rider, should be exempted from 
serving in person ; and he thus made every one do this as 
readily as if he were eagerly seeking for a man to die in his 
stead. He pointed out towns also, from which it would be 
proper to procure horsemen, thinking, that among the horse- 
breeding towns soldiers would be raised immediately, and such 
as most prized themselves on their equestrian skill. He was 
considered, too, to have done this with admirable success, 
since not only was a body of cavalry prepared for him, but 
one that quickly became efficient and fit for service. 

25. As soon, then, as spring appeared, he collected all his 
forces at Ephesus ; and wishing to exercise them well, he 
offered prizes to the troops of horse, for such as should ride 
best, and to those of the heavy-armed infantry, for such as 
should present their men in the best condition. To the tar- 
geteers and archers he also proposed prizes, for such as should 
appear best at their respective duties. In consequence, any 
one might have seen the places of exercise crowded with men 
practising, and the horse-course full of horsemen riding about, 
and javelin-men and archers aiming at marks. 26. He made, 
indeed, the whole city, in which he was, worth seeing ; for 
the market-place was full of all kinds of arms and horses for 
sale, and the workers in brass, the carpenters, the black- 
smiths, the curriers, and decorators, 1 were all engaged in pre- 

1 Tpatp tip.] Those who decorated the arms and other equipments. 


paring arms ; so that you would have thought the city in 
fact a workshop of war. 27. And a spectator would have 
been cheered at seeing also Agesilaus first, and after him 
the rest of the soldiers, crowned with chaplets whenever they 
returned from the places of exercise, and dedicating their 
chaplets to Diana; for wherever men reverence the gods, 
practise warlike exercises, and observe obedience to their 
commanders^ how can it be otherwise than natural that all 
things there should be full of good hopes ? 

28. Thinking, too, that contempt for their enemies might in- 
spire some courage for fighting, he ordered the heralds to sell 
the barbarians, who were taken prisoners by their foraging 
parties, in a state of partial nudity ; and the soldiers accordingly, 
seeing that their skins were perfectly white, in consequence of 
never stripping themselves, and that they were fat and unfit 
for labour, from always going about in carriages, thought 
that the war would be of no other nature than if they had to 
fight with women. He gave notice also to his soldiers, that 
he would immediately lead them by the shortest route to the 
strongest parts of the country, that they might straightway l 
prepare themselves for him both in body and mind, with 
the prospect of coming to a contest. 29. Tissaphernes, how- 
ever, was of opinion that he said this with the intention of 
deceiving him again, and that he would now in reality advance 
into Caria. He therefore sent over his infantry, as on the 
former occasion, into Caria, and his cavalry he posted in the 
plain of the Masander. But Agesilaus used no deceit ; but, 
as he gave out, advanced at once into the territory of Sardis, 
and marching for three days through a part of the country free 
from enemies, procured his army abundance of provisions. 30. On 
the. fourth day the cavalry of the enemy appeared ; and their 
commander told the officer in charge of the baggage to cross 
the river Pactolus and to encamp ; the cavalry themselves, 
seeing the men in the rear of the Greeks 2 dispersed in searcli 
of plunder, slew many of them. Agesilaus, perceiving what 
was taking place, ordered the cavalry to advance to their 
succour ; and the Persians, on their side, when they saw 

1 AvroOtv.'] Statim. Comp. vi. 2. 31 ; Memorab. ii. 8. 1 ; ubi vide 
Kiihn. Breitenbach. 

2 TovQT&v'EWrjvwv aico\ov9ovg.] Aristides, 793,understands tovq re- 
XttTaiovg twi> 'EWtjvojv, i. e. the rear-guard. Breitenbach. 


the reinforcement coming up, collected themselves together, 
and drew up against them with the whole of their numerous 
troops of horse. 31. Upon this, Agesilaus, knowing that the 
enemy's infantry was not yet come up, 1 and that on his side 
no part of the preparations which he had made was deficient, 
thought it a favourable opportunity to come to a battle, if he 
found it possible. After having sacrificed, therefore, he im- 
mediately led his main body against the cavalry arrayed 
in front of him, and ordered those of the heavy-armed men who 
were past twenty-seven years of age, 2 to hurry forward at 
the same time with them, and told the targeteers also to ad- 
vance running. He then ordered the cavalry also to charge, 
as he and all the rest of the army would follow close upon 
them. 32. The bravest of the Persians, indeed, stood the 
charge of the cavalry ; but when every species of danger 
menaced them at the same time, they gave way ; and some of 
them immediately met their fate in the river, 3 while the rest 
fled. The Greeks pursue and take their very camp ; and 
the targeteers, as was to be expected, betook themselves to 
plundering ; while Agesilaus, taking possession of all the 
neighbouring parts, both friendly and hostile, extended his 
camp round about. 4 

33. But when he heard that the enemy were thrown into 
disorder in consequence of blaming one another for what had 
happened, he immediately led his army against Sardis. There 
he at the same time burned and ravaged the lands around the 
city, and also gave notice by proclamation, that those who 
v/ere desirous of liberty should come to him as to an ally ; 
but that if any were for making Asia their own, they should 

1 They had been sent into Caria, sect. 29. Breitenbach. 

2 Td tUa a<f rfirtQj] Those who were at least eight and twenty years 
of age, rj€ri, or puberty, being fixed by the Spartans at eighteen. An 
abbreviation for rovg rd deKa Ittj a<p' ijtrjg yey ovorag. Compare Hellen. 
hi. 4. 15. 

3 '2i' rip irorayug a-rraffov.'] Ceciderunt in flumine, non inciderant in 
Jlumen. Dindorf ad Hellen. hi. 4. 24 

4 Occupying all the circumjacent country, as well what belonged to 
his friends as what had just been taken from the enemy, he extended his 
encampment round about it. This he did to prevent the enemy, though 
dispersed, from making any attack on the booty which he had taken ; but 
hearing that the enemy were in perturbation, he found that his precaution 
was unnecessary, and accordingly broke up his camp and advanced to 
Sardis. Breitenbach. Schneider aptly refers to Cyrop. hi. 1. 6. 


come in arms to decide the matter with those who were 
seeking to liberate it. 34. As no one came out against him, 
however, he afterwards proceeded fearlessly, seeing the 
Greeks, who were before compelled to worship the Persians, 
honoured by those by whom they had been insulted ; and 
having made those who thought themselves worthy to en- 
joy the honours paid to the gods unable to look in the face of 
the Greeks ; securing the territory of his friends, also, from 
being ravaged, and reaping such fruits from the territory of 
his enemies, that in two years he made an offering to the god 
at Delphi of a tenth part of the spoil, to the amount of more 
than a hundred talents. 

35. The king of the Persians, however, thinking that Tis- 
saphernes was the cause of his affairs being in an ill state, sent 
down Tithraustes, and had his head cut off. 

After this the condition of the barbarians grew more de- 
pressed, whilst that of Agesilaus became stronger ; for em- 
bassies came to him from all nations to solicit his friendship, 
and many, eager for freedom, revolted to him ; so that Age- 
silaus was no longer leader of the Greeks only, but also of 
many barbarians. 36. It is but right, also, to feel extraordin- 
ary admiration for him for this reason, that he who was ruler 
ef several states on the continent, and ruler also of the islands, 
since his country put the fleet too into his hands, and who was 
exalted both in reputation and power, having the privilege 
moreover of availing himself of many and excellent advantages 
Cor whatever object he desired, and, in addition to this, enter- 
taining, what was the greatest of all, the design and the hope 
of overthrowing the empire which had before invaded Greece, 
was nevertheless overcome by none of these distinctions, but, 
when a despatch came to him from the authorities at home, 
calling on him to come to the support of his country, he obeyed 
the orders from the state with no less readiness than if he had 
been standing alone in the court of the Ephori before the five ; * 
making it quite evident that he would not receive even the 
whole earth in exchange for his country, or newly acquired 
friends in the place of his old ones, or advantages that were 
disgraceful and free from danger, in preference to such as 

1 In the presence of the five Ephori. " He obeyed the orders of the 
absent magistrates with as much respect as if he had been a j rivate person 
in the court at Sparta." Corn. Nep. Ages. c. 4 


were honourable and just, even though attended with danger. 
37. As long, however, as he continued in authority, did he not 
exhibit also the following part of his conduct as that of a king 
worthy of praise ? for, having found all the states to which he 
sailed to take the government of them, divided into factions, 
on account of their constitutions having been disturbed when 
the Athenians ceased to rule, 1 he made those states, as long as 
he himself was present, continue to be governed with unani- 
mity and prosperity, without having occasion to resort to the 
punishment of exile or death. 38. The Greeks in Asia, there- 
fore, grieved for him when he departed, not merely as a com- 
mander, but as a father and a friend ; and they showed in the 
end that they offered no feigned friendship ; at least they 
voluntarily joined in rendering him assistance on behalf of 
Lacedsemon; and that, too, though, they were aware that they 
would have to fight with men not inferior to themselves. Such, 
then, was the conclusion of his acts in Asia. 


Agesilaus crosses the Hellespont, and is assailed, after marching through 
Thrace and Macedonia, by the Thessalians and other allies of the The- 
bans, but puts them to flight. He defeats the Thebans and their sup- 
porters at Coroneia, and returns to Sparta. He undertakes another expedi- 
tion, and captures the harbour of Corinth. He defeats the Acarnanian." 
He reinstates those who had been exiled from Phlius. He twice lays 
waste Boeotia, and, after the battle of Leuctra, takes vengeance on the 
people of Tegea, and defends his country against the whole force of the 
Boeotians. At an advanced age he acts as an ambassador for his country- 
men. But even when he is eighty years old, he undertakes an expedition 
into Egypt, to assist Tachus, who had invited him thither. Being de- 
ceived by Tachus, he deserts him, supports Nectanebus against his rival 
Mendesius, and places him on the throne. He returns home with in 
creased reputation and wealth. 

l. Having crossed over the Hellespont, he marched through 
the same nations through which the Persian king 2 had 

1 At the end of the Peloponnesian war, when the chief power was 
transferred from the Athenians to the Spartans, the governments in the 
towns of the Asiatic Greeks were changed, and the ruling power, which 
had been in the hands of the people, was put Into those of the ariatccracy 
Bee Plutarch, Ages. c. 15. B'titenbach. 

* XciTxes. 


marcL2d with his vast army ; and the march which the bar- 
barian took a year to accomplish, Agesilaus performed in less 
than a month ; for he was extremely anxious not to be too 
late to give assistance to his country. 2. But when, after 
passing through Macedonia, he came to Thessaly, the Laris- 
saeans, Cranonians, Scotussseans, and Pharsalians, being allies 
of the Boeotians, and all the Thessalians, indeed, except such 
as happened to be then in exile, 1 pursued and harassed him. 
For a time he led his army in an oblong form, with half of 
his cavalry in the van, and the other half in the rear. But 
when the Thessalians, by continually assailing the hindmost, 
retarded his march, he despatches to the rear also the cavalry 
from the front, except those immediately about himself. 2 

3. But when they drew up face to face with each other in 
battle-array, the Thessalians, thinking that they were not on 
fit ground for charging with cavalry against heavy-armed in- 
fantry, wheeled about, and slowly retreated ; and the troops 
of Agesilaus followed them at a very moderate pace. 3 But 
Agesilaus, perceiving the mistake which both parties were 
committing, sends off the cavalry that he had about him, a 
very efficient body of men, and orders them to tell the others 
to pursue, and to pursue also themselves at their utmost speed, 
and not to allow the enemy again an opportunity of facing 
about. But when the Thessalians saw them thus unexpectedly 
advancing, some of them did not even wheel round, and 
others, as they were endeavouring to face about, were taken 
prisoners in the very act of turning their horses round. 4 

4. Polycharmus, however, the commander of the Pharsalian 
horse, faced about and was killed fighting, together with those 

1 This exile of the Thessalians occurred at the time when Lycophron 
of Pherae sought to make himself master of all Thessaly ; an attempt 
mentioned only by Xenophon, Hellen. ii. 3. 4, and Diod. Sic. xiv. 82. 

a TiKriv tCjv irtpl avTov.~\ This is the reading adopted by Dindorf and 
Breitenbach. The old editors have /cat instead of 7rXr]v. " The cavalry 
meant are the three hundred who always attended on the king as he rode 
in front of the army. See Thucyd. v. 72; Xenophon, Rep. Lac c. 13." 

3 MdXa (Tw^povwc.] Compare c. 6, sect. 7, Qawtp av TrapQtvog if 
ffu)ppove<TTa.rrj 7rpo€aivoi. Breitenbach. 

* TlXaylovg exovrtg tovq 'imrovg.'] Before ^Ity had quite wheeled 
their horses round, and fronted their assailanta Breitenhach. 


about him. When this happened, a disastrous flight ] took 
place, so that some of the enemy were killed, and others taken 
prisoners; and they accordingly did not halt till they arrived 
at Mount Narthacium. 5. And then indeed Agesilaus set up 
a trophy between Pras and Narthacium, 2 and halted there, 
greatly delighted at his exploit, in having defeated with ca- 
valry which he himself had formed, a people who prided them- 
selves on their skill in horsemanship. Next day, crossing the 
Achaean mountains 3 of Phthia, he proceeded during the rest of 
his march through a friendly district, till he came to the con- 
fines of the Boeotians. 

6. Here having found the Thebans, Athenians, Argives, 
Corinthians, JEnianes, 4 Euboeans, and both the Locrians, 5 drawn 
up in array against him, he did not make any delay, but openly 
drew up his forces to oppose them, having, of the Lacedaemon- 
ians, indeed, a mora 6 and a half, but of the allies from the 
neighbouring districts 7 only the Phocians and Orchomenians, 
and the rest of the force which he led himself, i. And I am not 
going to say this, that though he had much less numerous and 
inferior forces, he nevertheless engaged ; for, if I should say 
so, I think that I should prove Agesilaus to be mad, and my- 
self foolish, by praising a man who rashly incurred danger in 
matters of the greatest moment. But I the more admire this 
action of his, that he both prepared a force which was not 
less numerous than that of the enemy, and armed them in 
such a manner that they appeared wholly covered with brass 
and purple. 8. He made it his care also that the soldiers 
should be able to endure toils. He inspired their minds, too, 

1 <J>vyr) IZaicria.] 'E^aierioc (e£ and alcra, faturri) signifies properly 5e- 
yond what is destined or fated ; hence extraordinary , monstrous, violent, 

2 Both these towns lie between Phthiotis and Pelasgiotis, not far from 
Mount Narthacium, and not very far from Pharsalus. Comp. Plutarch, 
Ages. c. 16. Breitenbach. 

3 There was a part of Thessaly called Achaia. Compare Xen. Hellen. 
iv. 3. 9. 

4 Inhabitants of iEnias, a town of Thessaly, near Mount Cyphus. 

5 The Ozolian and Opuntian Locrians, as appears from Xen. Hellen. 
iv. 2. 7. 

8 According to the appointment of Lycurgus, the infantry and cavalry 
of Sparta were divided into six morce. See Xen. Rep. Lac. c. ii. sect. 4. 
Breitenbach. A mora consisted of 512 men. 

7 AvToOtv.] Ex iUd regione, i. e. from Bceotia. Breitenbach. 



with such courage, that they were in a condition to fight 
against whomsoever it might be requisite ; l and he animated 
those about him with emulation of one another in order that 
each of them might strive to show himself the best. He filled 
all likewise with hopes that they would all secure many ad- 
vantages, if they proved themselves brave men ; thinking 
that from such motives 2 men would fight most eagerly 
against their enemies ; nor indeed was he deceived. 

y. But I will give a detailed account of the battle ; for it 
was such as no other of the battles in our days; since there 
came together at the plain of Coroneia, Agesilaus and his troops 
on the side of the Cephisus, and the Thebans and their allies 
on the side of Mount Helicon ; and they saw that the troops 
on each side were very equally matched ; and the cavalry also 
of both parties were nearly alike in number. Agesilaus led the 
right wing of his own army, and the Orchomenians were posted 
at the extremity of his left ; on the other side, the Thebans 
themselves were on the right wing, and the Argives formed 
their left. 10. Whilst they were advancing to the charge, 
there was for some time deep silence on both sides ; but 
when they were distant from one another about a stadium, 
the Thebans raised the war-shout and advanced to the charge 
at a running pace ; and, when there was but half a stadium be- 
tween them, the mercenary troops that Herippidas commanded 
rushed forth from the main body of Agesilaus to charge the 
enemy, ll. These troops consisted of those who had marched 
with him from home, some from the army of Cyrus, and the 
rest Ionians and iEolians, and the Hellespon tines bordering on 
them. 3 All these rushed in a mass to the charge, and, at- 
tacking the enemy at the point of the spear, routed all that 
was opposed to them. The Argives, however, did not wait 
for the charge of Agesilaus and his troops, but fled towards 
Helicon. Here some of the mercenaries were proceeding 
to crown Agesilaus as conqueror, but some one brought him 
word that the Thebans, having cut their way through the 

1 Quin et animos eorum tantd impleverat elatione, ut ad pxignandum 
adversus quoscunque opus for et idonei essent. Dindorf. 

2 'Ek: ruiv roiovTuv.] Toloutojv, observes Breitenbach, is of the neu- 
ter gender, and signifies propter eas res. 

* 'Exofievoi.] Vicini. The people on the shores of the Hellespont 
bordering on yEolia. Breitenbach. 

§ 12 — 15.] HIS VICTORY AT COKONEIA. 19 

Orehomenians, were among the baggage, when he immediately 
drew out his main body in line and led it against them ; but 
the Thebans on their side, when they caught sight of their 
allies who had fled towards Helicon, were desirous to make a 
way through the enemy to join their friends, and began to 
march forward with great spirit. 12. On this occasion we 
may say, without dispute, that Agesilaus proved himself a 
brave man ; yet he did not choose the safest mode of proceed- 
ing ; for when he might have let those who were trying to 
escape pass by him, and then have pursued and harassed their 
rear, he did not adopt that course, but closed with the The- 
bans full in front ; and both parties, clashing their shields to- 
gether, alternately gave way and resisted, slew and were slain. 
There was no outcry, however, nor was there altogether 
silence, but such a sound as rage and strife would produce. 
At length part of the Thebans made a way through the enemy 
to Mount Helicon, but a great number of them were cut off in 
their retreat. 13. But when the victory was fairly in the; 
hands of Agesilaus, and he himself was brought in wounded 
to the main body, some of the cavalry rode up and told him 
that eighty of the enemy were in arms under shelter of the 
temple/ and asked him how they ought to act with regard to 
them ; but he, although he had many wounds all over his body, 
and from every kind of weapon, was nevertheless not unmind- 
ful of the obligations of religion, but gave orders to let them 
depart whithersoever they pleased, and forbade his men to do 
them any injury ; he also directed the horse-soldiers that were 
about him to escort them until they reached a place of safety. 
14. But when the fight was over, a spectator might have 
seen, where they engaged with one another, the ground 
crimsoned with blood, the dead bodies of friends and enemies 
lying close to one another, sh-ields broken to pieces, spears 
snapped asunder, daggers without their sheaths, some on the 
ground, others sticking in bodies, and others still in the hands 
of the dead. 15. For the present, then, as it was now late, 
they dragged together the dead bodies [of the enemies] within 
the camp, 2 took their supper, and went to rest. In the morn- 

1 The temple of Minerva Itonia. Plutarch, Ages. c. 19 ; Pausan ; t 

2 "2vv(\KV(ravreg rovg [ra>v iro\efii(iiv] vtKpovg htoj cpakayyog, k, t. A." 1 
Thus stands the text in Qindorf s edition. Schneider's, and the earlier 

c 2 


ing lie ordered Gylos, the polemarch, 1 to draw up the army 
and to raise a trophy ; directing, at the same time, that all the 
men should wear chaplets in honour of the god, 2 and that all 
the flute-players should play on their instruments. 16. These 
orders they executed ; and the Thebans sent a herald, desir- 
ing leave, under favour of a truce, to bury their dead. A 
truce was accordingly made, and Agesilaus commenced his 
march homewards, choosing, instead of being the most power- 
ful man in Asia, to govern and to be governed at home in ac- 
cordance with the laws. 

17. But after this, perceiving that the Argives were en- 
joying the state of their affairs at home, had attached Corinth 3 
to their territory, and were delighted at the war, he under- 
takes an expedition against them ; and having laid waste all 
their territory, he straightway crosses over from thence by the 
narrow passes 4 to Corinth, and makes himself master of the 
walls, which stretched as far as Lechaeum. Having thus opened 
the gates of the Peloponnesus, he went home to the Hyacin- 
th! an festival, 5 and joined in chanting the paean to the god 6 
in the place where he was stationed by the choragus. 

editions, have rutv TroXtfi'mv without brackets, but Schneider thought t&v 
v rX^timj/ spurious. Weiske proposed to read Ik twv TroXtfiiuv, which 
Breitenbach has adopted, as it is supported by what is said in sect. 14. 
that the dead bodies of friends and enemies were mingled, and by Po- 
lyaenus. ii. 1. 23; where Agesilaus is represented as desirous to separate the 
dead bodies of the Spartans from those of the enemy, and to cover them 
with earth. That <pa\ay% is here used in the sense of " camp " is 
admitted by all the commentators, who refer to Xen. Rep. Lac. c. 12, 
sect. 3, and Plutarch, Ages. c. 19. 

1 He seems to have been commander of the mora mentioned in sect. 6. 
That the commanders of morce were called polemarchs at Sparta appears 
from Herodot. vii. 173 ; Xen. Hell. iv. 4. 7 ; Rep. Lac. c. 11, sect. 4. See 
Miiller's Dorians, hi. 12. 4. 

2 Apollo, to whom the song of victory used to be sung : the victory was 
gained near the temple of Delphi. Baumgarten. 

3 Concerning the Corinthian war, which took place b. c. 393, see Hellen. 
iv. 4 j Plutarch, Ages. c. 21. Breitenbach. 

* Kara rd CTtva.~\ If the reading, Kara Tev'tav, is correct in Hellen. 
iv. 4. 19, the pass which is called by Pausanias (ii. 5. 3) irvXij TivtariKq 
appears to be here meant. Breitenbach. 

5 A festival celebrated yearly at Sparta in the month Heoatorobacon, 
inhonour of Apollo and Hyacinthus, who was accidentally killed by Apt iio 
With a discus. 

6 Apol'o. 


18. After this, having learned that the Corinthians were 
keeping all their cattle in the Peiraeum, [and that they were 
sowing all the Peiraeum and reaping corn from it, 1 ] and 
thinking it a matter demanding attention that the Boeotians, 
issuing from Creusis 2 by this way, easily united themselves 
with the Corinthians, he leads his forces against the Peiraeum. 
But seeing that it was defended by a number of troops, ho 
marched off, after dinner, towards the city, as if he thought 
that the city would be surrendered to him. 3 19. But perceiv- 
ing, towards night, that the people had gone with their whole 
force from the Peiraeum to the city to succour it, he turned 
back at daybreak, and finding the Peiraeum left without a 
guard, captured it, and made himself master, not only of the other 
things that were in it, but also of the walls which had been 
built there. Having achieved this exploit, he returned home. 

20. Soon afterwards, the Achaeans being eager to join in the 
alliance with him, and entreating him to march with them into 
Acarnania, 4 and the Acarnanians having also fallen upon his 
troops in a defile, he, having taken possession with his light 
troops of the cliffs above their heads, joined battle ; and having 
killed a great number of them, raised a trophy, and did not 
relax his exertions until he made the Acarnanians and ^Eto- 
lians and Argives friends to the Achaeans, and allies to himself. 
21. But when the enemy, being desirous of peace, sent an 
embassy, Agesilaus opposed the peace, 5 until he had compelled 

1 The original of the words in brackets was absent from most editions 
before that of Schneider. They occur in two manuscripts. Dindorf has 
struck them out of his text. Their soundness is very doubtful. Peiraeum 
was a harbour of Corinth; see note on the translation of Xenophon's 
Hellenica, iv. 5, 1. How there could be land within it for sowing 
is not very easy to be conjectured. Perhaps the name has usurped the 
place of some other in the text- 

2 A small town on the Corinthian Gulf. Pausan. ix. 32. 

3 The stratagem of Agesilaus consisted in marching with a rather small 
force, as it appears, against a city so strongly fortified ; exciting by that 
means in the minds of the people a suspicion that they were in danger of 
being betrayed by a party within the place, and causing the garrison to te 
withdrawn from the Peiraeum, in consequence, for the defence of the city, 
when the Peiraeum became an easy conquest to him. Weiske. 

4 The Achseans, who at that time held Calydon, a city of Acarnania, 
were in consequence attacked by the Acarnanians. Breitenbach. 

5 The peace of Antalcidas, made b. c. 387. Xen. Hellen. t. 1. 3i, 


the cities to receive home again such of the Corinthians and 
Thebans as were in exile on account of having favoured the 
Lacedaemonians. 1 He afterwards restored also such of the 
Phliasians as were in exile for the sake of the Lacedaemonians, 
taking the field in person against Phlius. 2 22. If any one cen- 
sures him for these proceedings on any other account, 3 it is yet 
quite evident that they sprung from motives of friendship ; for 
when the enemy had put to death such of the Lacedaemonians 
as were in Thebes, 4 he marched against Thebes to their re- 
lief ; but finding every place fortified with trenches and ram- 
parts, he crossed over the heights of Cynoscephaloe, and laid 
waste the lands as far as the city, giving the Thebans an op- 
portunity of fighting if they wished, both in (he plains and on 
the hills. In the following year also he marched a second 
time against Thebes, and crossing the ramparts and trenches 
at Scolus, 5 laid waste the rest of Bceotia. 

23. Down to this time both he himself and the state were 
fortunate in common. Whatever failures, however, occurred 
afterwards, no one can say that they happened under the 
generalship of Agesilaus. 6 But after that the disaster at 
Leuctra had taken place, when the enemy, in conjunction with 
the Mantinaeans, were putting to death his friends and allies in 
Tegea, (the Boeotians and Arcadians and Eleans having all 
united themselves together,) he took the field with the forces of 
the Lacedaemonians only, 7 though many thought that the Lace- 

1 Aid tovq Aatcedat/xoviovQ-] Propter studium Lacedcemoniorum. Breit- 

2 Matters had been settled in favour of the exiles from Phlius without 
war, as is related by Xenophou, Hellen. v. 2. 8—10. But as the Phliasi- 
ans did not adhere to their promises, or pay what they owed to the exiles, 
Agesilaus attacked their city, b. c. 383. Hellen. v, 3. 1(J. Ileiland. 

3 He alludes to the censure for pride and presumption which the Lace- 
dsemonians had incurred by the reduction of so many states. Diod. Sic. 
xv. 19. Breitenbach. 

4 Archias, and those who had joined with him in seizing on the Cadmeia. 
Xen. Hellen. v. 4. 13. 

5 A town of Boeotia between Cithseron and Tegyra. Pausan. ix. 4. 

6 For Agesilaus was ill during the whole of the following year. Xen. 
Hellen. vi. 5. 4. Schneider. 

7 2vv \ibvy ry AaKsdaifiuviuJv dvvdfiei.'] This is the reading adopted 
from Victorius by Dindorf and Breitenbach. Schneider and other eiitcri 
read avv popy, omitting Ty dvvdfitt^ 

§ 24 — 26.] HIS DEFENCE OF SPARTA. 23 

dsemonians would not even come out of their own country for 
some time. Having ravaged the lands of those who had put 
to death his friends, he then returned home again. 

24. After this, also, when the Arcadians, and Argives, and 
Eleans, and Boeotians, had all taken the field against Lacedae- 
mon, 1 and with them the Phocians and both the Locrians, 2 as 
well as the Thessa-lians, ^Enianes, Acarnanians, and Euboeans, 
and when, in addition to this, the slaves and many of the 
neighbouring cities had revolted, while no less a number of 
the Spartans themselves had been killed in the battle at 
Leuctra than had survived, he nevertheless preserved the 
city, even though it was without walls, not leading out 
his troops to a place where the enemy would in every way 
have had the advantage, but drawing them up strongly where 
his countrymen would be likely to have the superiority, think- 
ing that if he were to go out to the open plains, he would be 
surrounded on all sides, but that, remaining in confined and 
elevated spots, he would be in every way superior. 25. When, 
again, the army of the enemy withdrew, how can any one say 
that he conducted himself otherwise than prudently ? For 
when old age prevented him from serving either on foot or on 
horseback, and he saw that his country needed funds if it 
intended to have any ally, he devoted himself to the task of 
supplying it with funds ; whatever he could do while remain- 
ing at home, he contrived to accomplish ; and he did not 
shrink from going from home on whatever business the 
exigencies of the time required, nor was he ashamed, when he 
seemed likely to benefit his country, to go out as an ambassa- 
dor instead of a general. 

26. Yet even in his embassy he performed the actions of a 
great general; for Autophradates, 3 who was besieging Ario- 
barzanes, an ally of Agesilaus, in Assus, 4 betook himself, 
through fear of Agesilaus, to flight ; and Cotys, too, who was 

1 This was the first expedition of Epaminondas into the Peloponnesus, 
B. c. 369. Breitenbach. 

2 See note on sect. 6. 

3 Satrap of Lydia, whom the king of Persia had commissioned to take 
vengeance on those who had revolted from him. C. Nep. Datam. c. 2. 
Breitenbach. To this embassy of Agesilaus into Asia I find no allusion 
anywhere else. Of his expedition into Egypt to support Tachus ail 
writers speak. Schneider. 

2 A city of Mysia. Ariobarzanes was satrap of Phrygia, Cotys of 


besieging Sestus, whijh was still in the power of Ariobarza- 
nes, broke up the siege and marched away. It was not without 
reason, therefore, that a trophy over the enemy was erected 
to him, on account of his conduct in the embassy. Mausolus, 
too, when he was besieging both these places by sea with a 
hundred vessels, sailed off home, not like the others, 1 through 
fear, but from being persuaded by Agesilaus. 27. He here 
indeed performed actions truly worthy of admiration; 2 for 
both those who thought that they had been benefited by him, 
and those who had fled before him, gave him money ; while 
Tachus and Mausolus (who had also contributed money to 
Lacedaemon on account of his former friendship with Agesi- 
laus) sent him h )me with a magnificent escort. 

28. He was now about eighty years old ; but having learned 
that the king of the Egyptians 3 was anxious to go to war with 
the king of Persia, and had a vast army of infantry and ca- 
valry, and abundant resources, he heard with pleasure that he 
had sent for him, promising also to make him general ; 2S. for 
he designed in the same expedition to repay the Egyptian 
for the benefits which he had conferred on Lacedaemon, 4 
to liberate a second time the Greeks in Asia, and to take 
vengeance on the Persian, both for what he had done before, 
and because that now, while saying that he was their ally, he 
ordered them to relinquish Messene. 5 30. But when the 
king who had sent for him did not give him the generalship, 
Agesilaus, as having been greatly deceived, considered what 

Paphlagonia, Mausolus of Caria. Breitenbach. Ariobarzanes was an ally 
of Agesilaus, having revolted from the king of Persia. Schneider. 

1 Olik'sti.] Nonitem. Breitenbach. 

2 VLpvravQa ovv a£ia QavpaToc, duTrpd^aro.'] Such is the reading 
adopted by Dindorf. Schneider has only the three last words. Breiten- 
bach reads a ye a£ta, *c. r. A. 

3 Tachus, who is mentioned just above. Breitenbach. 

4 Schneider supposes that this refers to the money mentioned in sect. 
27. In what year the money was given, says Breitenbach, we cannot 
decide. He observes that Xenophon speaks but briefly, and to us ob- 
scurely, of the affair of Tachus, because it was well known to his readers 
in that day, having occurred only about two years before he wrote. 

5 The peace of Antalcidas, as it is called, had put the states of Asia un- 
der the power of the Persians, but had set free Messene, which had be- 
fore been subject to Lacedaemon ; and hence the hostility of the Spartans 
towards the king of Persia. See Diodor. Sic. xv. 90; Plutarch in Ages. 


he ought to do. Soon after, however, the Egyptians, who 
were serving apart, l revolted from the king, being the first 
to do so ; and then all the rest deserted him ; and Tachus 
himself, in alarm, fled to Sidon in Phoenicia ; while the Egyp- 
tians, splitting into factions, elected two kings. 2 31. Upon 
this Agesilaus, knowing that if he should join neither party, 
neither would furnish pay for the Grecian soldiers, nor would 
either offer him provisions for sale, while whichsoever proved 
victorious would be his enemy, but that if he should join one 
of the two, that one at least, receiving assistance from him, 
would, as was probable, be his friend, and having accordingly 
formed his opinion as to which of the two seemed best dis- 
posed towards the Greeks, took the field with him, and 
defeating in battle the one that was hostile to the Greeks, 
utterly reduced him ; the other he assisted in establishing on 
the throne. 3 Having thus made the latter a friend to Lace- 
daemon, and having received a large sum of money from him, 
he set sail homewards, though it was the middle of winter, 
being anxious that his country should not be inactive against 
the enemy in the following summer. 


The piety of Agesilaus. His strict regard to honour in. all his transactions. 

l. The actions of Agesilaus which have been mentioned were 
such as were done before many witnesses of his conduct. Such 
acts, indeed, do not require proofs ; it is sufficient merely to 
recall them to the memory, and they are at once credited. 
But now I will endeavour to set forth the virtue that was in 
his mind, under the influence of which he did these things, 
and loved everything that was good, and repelled every- 
thing that was dishonourable. 2. For he paid such respect 

1 Oi Sixa (Trparevofievoi.^ Those who were under the command of 
Nectanebus. Diod. Sic. xv. 92 ; Plutarch, Ages. c. 37. 

2 Nectanebus and Mendesius. 

3 He took the side of Nectanebus in opposiion to Mendesius. Plut. 
Ages. c. 37 j Diod. Sic. xv. 92. 


to what was divine, that even his enemies considered his 
oaths and compacts more worthy of trust than the friendship 
existing among themselves ; [since in making covenants 
among themselves], 1 they were afraid to meet one another, but 
they put themselves wholly into the hands of Agesilaus ; and 
that no one may disbelieve me. I shall mention the most re- 
markable among those who did so. 

3. Spithridates the Persian, knowing that Pharnabazus was 
intriguing to marry the daughter of the king, but wished to 
take his own daughter without marrying her, and considering 
this an insult, placed himself, his wife, his children, and his 
troops, 2 in the hands of Agesilaus 4. Cotys, 3 too, the satrap 
of the Paphlagonians, would not comply with the wishes of 
the king, though he sent him his pledge of the right hand, 
fearing lest he should be made prisoner, and either have to 
pay a large sum of money for his ransom, or be put to death ; 
yet he, trusting to a treaty with Agesilaus, not only came to 
his camp, but, forming an alliance with Agesilaus, preferred to 
take the field with him, with a thousand horse, and two thou- 
sand targeteers. 5. Pharnabazus 4 also came to a conference 
with Agesilaus, and stated freely in their conversation that, 
unless he himself was appointed commander of the whole Per- 
sian army, he would revolt from the king. "If, however," 
says he, " I am made commander, I will fight with thee, O 
Agesilaus, as vigorously as I may be able." In saying this, 
he felt convinced that he should suffer nothing contrary to 
the terms of the truce. So important and honourable a 
quality is it in all other men, and especially in a commander, 
to be honest and trustworthy, and to be known to be so. Such 
observations I had to make with respect to his piety. 

1 Oi <r})VTL9sfiev0i aWrjXoig.] These words are inserted by Breitenbach 
in his text from a conjecture of Schneider's. In other texts there is a 

2 He is mentioned in the Hellenica, iii. 5. 16, as having about two hun- 
dred cavalry; what is said in iv. 1. 7, seems to indicate a larger force. 

3 The same that is mentioned in c. 2, sect. 26. He is called Otys by 
Xenophon, Hellen. iv. 1, Ot)oc by iElian, Var. Hist. i. 27, and Thyus by 
Corn. Nep. Datam. c. 2. 

4 Xen. Heilen. iv. 1. 29—38. P.utarch, Ages c 12. 

§ 1.] HIS INTEGRITY. 27 


Of the integrity shown by Agesilaus as a private individual, as a ltin#, and 
as a general. Two examples of it. 

1. Of his integrity in regard to money aUo, what greater 
proofs can any one have than the following ? For no one 
ever complained 1 that he was despoiled of anything by Age 
silaus ; but many acknowledged that they had received many 
acts of kindness from him. How could a man, indeed, to 
whom it is a pleasure to give his own property away for the 
benefit of mankind, wish to deprive others of their property, 
in order merely to incur ill repute? If he desired money, it 
would be far less troublesome to him to keep his own than to 
take what did not belong to him. 2. Or how could a man 
who would not even withhold favours, for which there are no 
actions at law against him who withholds them, wish to take 
away from others even what the law forbids ? But Agesilaus 
not only considered that not to return favours was unjust, but 
even that not to return them in greater measure, if the recipi- 
ent were able, was unjust. 3. Or how could any one fairly 
accuse him of embezzling the finances of the state, who made 
over to his country, for its benefit, the presents intended for 
himself? Or is it not also a great proof of self-command in 
regard to money, that whenever he wished to benefit the state 
nr his friends by pecuniary gifts, he was able to assist them 
by obtaining contributions from others? 2 4. For if he had 
*)een in the habit of selling his favours, or of doing good for 
';he sake of reward, no one would have considered that he 
wed anything to him ; but those who have received benefits 
gratuitously, always gladly serve their benefactor, both be- 
cause they have received favours and because they have been 

'EveKaXecrev.'] The verb lyKaXelv, without a dative of the person, i. e. 
signifying " to complain," is but rarely found. One other example of it 
is given by Xenophon, Hellen. vi. 1. 13, /j,r)8ev t xovtclq eyKaXeiv. BreiU 

2 This was a proof of the liberality of Agesilaus, for he to whom others 
are at any time ready to be liberal must previously have been liberal to 
them. Breitenbach 


trusted at first as being worthy to keep a deposit of gratitude. 1 
5. Or must he not have quite shrunk from disgraceful 
gains, who preferred having a little with honour to having 
more with injustice ? Agesilaus, then, being pronounced by the 
state to be entitled to all the property of Agis, transferred the 
half of it to his relatives on the mother's side, because he saw 
that they were in want. That this account is true, the whole 
community of the Lacedaemonians is a witness. 6. When 
Tithraustes, 2 too, offered him a vast number of presents, if he 
would retire from his province, Agesilaus replied, "It is an 
opinion among us, Tithraustes, that it is more honourable for 
a commander to enrich his army than himself, and to endeavour 
to gain spoils from his enemies rather than presents." 


The moderation of Agesilaus in eating, drinking, and sleep. His endurance 
of heat, cold, and fatigue. His self-command. 

l. However many pleasures there are, too, that master a 
large portion of mankind, by which of them has any one 
known Agesilaus to be mastered, a man who thought that he 
should abstain from intoxication as from madness, and from 
immoderate eating as from utter indolence? 3 Accordingly, 
when he received a double portion 4 at the public meals, he 
not only did not consume both portions, but, distributing them 
around, left neither for himself; considering that this double 
portion was given to him as king, not for the purpose of in- 
dulging his appetite, but that he might be able to honour with 

1 HapaKaTaQrjtcrjv x^P lT0 Q-] Favours are said to be deposited with 
him who receives them, when the person who gives them expects at some 
time to receive a return. Breitenbach. 

2 See c. 1, sect. 35 ; Hellen. iii. 4. 25. 

* 'Apyi'ac.] The texts of Weiske and Schneider, and many others, 
have afiapriag. Henry Stephens proposed apyiac, which Dindorf and 
Breitenbach have very judiciously adopted ; as indolence and inactivity 
are the consequences of immoderate eating. 

4 " Lycurgus honoured the kings with a double portion at the public 
meals, not that they might eat twice as much as others, but that they might 
have something to give to any one whom they desired to honour.'* De 
Rep. Lac c. 15. 


it whomsoever he pleased. 2. He had recourse to tleep, n >t 
as to a master, but as to that which was under the control of 
circumstances ; and unless he had the worst couch of all the 
people that were with him, he 'gave manifest indications of 
shame ,' for he thought that it became a prince to surpass 
private persons, not in effeminacy, but in endurance. 3. He 
was not, however, ashamed of having a greater share of heat 
in the summer and of cold in the winter. If it ever hap- 
pened, also, to his army to endure hardships, he willingly 
toiled more than others ; thinking that all such exertions 
were a solace to his soldiers. To say all in a word, Agesilaus 
took delight in toil, but allowed indolence no influence over 

4. As to his continence in matters of love, is it not right to 
mention it, if for no other reason, yet for the wonder of it ? 
To abstain, indeed, from that which one does not desire, any 
one would say was agreeable to human nature ; but that being 
enamoured of Megabates, 1 the son of Spithridates, as a most 
ardent temperament would be enamoured of a most beautiful 
object, he should, when (as it was a custom among the Per- 
sians to kiss those whom they esteem) Megabates attempted 
to kiss Agesilaus, have striven with all his might to prevent 
himself from being kissed by him, is not this an instance of con- 
tinence even of the most noble kind ? 2 

5. But when Megabates no longer attempted to kiss him, 
as if thinking himself to be dishonoured, Agesilaus gave in- 
structions to one of his companions to persuade Megabates to 
honour him again. But as his companion asked him, whether, 
if Megabates could be persuaded, he would kiss him, Agesi- 
laus accordingly, after keeping silence a long time, spoke 
thus : " Not even if I were immediately to become the most 
beautiful, and strongest, and swiftest of men ; 3 I indeed 
sweat by ail the gods that I would rather prefer to fight again 
the same battle, than that everything which I see should be- 

1 This is related by Plutarch, Ages. c. 11; De-Aud. Poet. 10; Apo- 
phth. Lac. p. 101. 

* A.iav ytvvuc6v.~\ YtvviKov is the conjecture of Schsefer. Before his 
time the reading was fiavucov, which critics tried to interpret without 
much success. 

3 It is to be remembered that Agesilaus was short of stature, lame of 
one foot, and of no very d'gnified appearance. Cc/n. Nep. Ages. c. 8; 
Plutarch, Ages. c. 2. 


come gold for me." 1 6. I am not, however, ignorant of what 
some people think concerning these matters ; 2 I am kideed 
well aware that far more men can conquer their enemies than 
can control passions of such a nature ; and if but few knew 
these things, it would be very well for many to disbelieve 
them ; but we all know that the most illustrious of men least 
escape notice in what they do. But no man has ever said 
that he saw Agesilaus indulging in anything of this sort, nor, 
if he had asserted it on conjecture, would he have been thought 
to say what was worthy of credit. 7. For he took up his abode 
in no house by himself, when away from home, but w as always 
in some temple, 3 where it is impossible to do things of this 
kind, or before the public, making the eyes of all men wit- 
nesses of his continence. But if I speak falsely as to these 
things, Greece knowing the contrary, I abstain from all praise 
of Agesilaus, and take blame to myself. 


The merits of Agesilaus as a leader, and his readiness to meet his enemies in 
the field, either in Greece or in other countries. His judgment and pru- 
dence. His anxiety to protect his friends and defeat his enemies, and the 
effects of it on those who were concerned with him. 

i. Of his valour also he appears to me to have exhibited 
proofs by no means obscure, undertaking always to carry on 
war with the most powerful of the enemies both of his country 
and of Greece, and placing himself first in the contests against 
them. 2. Wherever the enemy wished to engage with him in 
battle, he did not secure the victory by making them flee with 
terror, but raised a trophy by defeating them in a fairly fought 
field, 4 leaving immortal monuments of his valour, and bearing 

1 In allusion to the fable of Midas. 

s Kat on fitv St) Xafx^dvovcri nvtQ Tavra.j Atque non ignoro equidem 
pad aliqui de his rebus existiment. Dindorf. Xenophon intimates that 
sow people do not think this conduct of Agesilaus so nrict deserving of 
praise as he himself thinks it. 

3 So Plutarch, Ages. c. 4. 

4 M&xy avTiTVTr< i ).'] The forces of the Spartans were not in general 
superior to those of their enemies ; fxaxr) avTirvnog is therefore a battle 
in which "?o;h sides fought with equal numbers. Breitenbach.. 


off with him plain proofs l that he had Ought with spirit ; so 
that men might form an opinion of his courage, not from hearing 
of it, but by witnessing it. 3. It is right therefore to consider 
that the trophies of Agesilaus were not merely such as he actual ly 
raised, but whatever campaigns he commanded in ; for he did 
not the less gain a victory because his enemies were unwilling 
to fight with him, but gained it with less danger and more 
advantage both to the state and to the allies ; and even in the 
public games they crown those who obtain a victory without 
a contest, no less than those who gain it by fighting. 

4. As to his wisdom, again, what actions of his do not dis- 
play it ? when he so conducted himself towards his country, 
that, obeying it to the utmost, 2 .... and being zealous for the 
interests of those associated with him, he acquired friends 
who never made excuses for not serving him, and rendered 
his soldiers also obedient and attached to him. How indeed 
can a battalion become more strong than by being well 
disciplined through obeying orders, and by supporting their 
general faithfully through attachment to his person ? 5. He had 
enemies, it is true, who, though they could not find fault with 
him, yet felt obliged to hate him ; for he was always contriv- 
ing means that his allies might have the advantage over them, 
deceiving when there was an opportunity, anticipating when 
expedition was necessary, and concealing his movements from 
them when it was advantageous to do so, and pursuing towards 
his enemies a quite contrary course of conduct to that which 
he adopted towards his friends. 6. He used night as day, and 
day as night, often rendering it uncertain both where he was, 
and whither he was going, and what he intended to do ; so 
that he made even strong places unsafe for his enemies ; 
sometimes avoiding them, sometimes outstripping them, some 
times surprising them. 7. When, he was on the march, how 
ever, and knew that the enemy had the liberty of fighting if 
they wished, he led his army drawn up in such order that he 
was in the best possible condition to defend himself, and 

1 Wounds on the frorrt part of his body. Breitenbach. 

° Some words are lost here. By a reference to Plutarch, Ages. c. 4, 
Weiske infers that what is wanting is something to this effect : far^i* 
irX«7<rrov, wffre tcoiiiv 6 BovXolto, "by obeying his country to the ut- 
most he obtained the greatest influence in it " 


marched at as quiet a pace as the most modest virgin would 
walk ; l thinking that in such order there was firmness, and 
the least possible exposure to alarm or confusion, as well as the 
greatest security against mistakes and ambuscades. 8. While 
acting thus, therefore, he was an object of terror to his enemies, 
but inspired courage and confidence into his friends ; so that 
he continued uncontemned by his adversaries, uncensured by 
his fellow citizens, approved by his friends, and extremely 
beloved and commended by all mankind. 


Patriotism of Agesilaus. His obedience to the laws of Sparta, and paternal 
care of his subjects. His concern for the general interests of Greece. His 
hostility to Persia. 

1. That he was a lover of his country, it would be tedious to 
show by every particular proof ; for I think, indeed, that there 
was nothing of all that was done by him, that did not tend to the 
service of it. But to speak briefly, we all know that Agesilaus, 
whenever he thought that he should benefit his country, did not 
shrink from toils, or stand aloof from dangers, or spare money, 
or make his person or old age an excuse for inaction ; but he 
considered it the duty of a good king to do as much good as 
possible to his subjects. 2. I account this also among his 
greatest services to his country, that while he was the most 
powerful man in the state, he proved himself the most obedient 
to the laws ; for who would be inclined to disobey the laws, 
when he saw the king obeying them ? Or who, from thinking 
himself in too humble a condition, would attempt to raise a 
revolution, when he saw the king enduring even to be com- 
manded in compliance with the laws. 3. He even conducted 
himself towards those who diifered from him in political 
affairs, as a father towards his children ; for he reproved them 
for their faults, but honoured them if they did anything 
praiseworthy, and steed by then), if any calamity happened to 

1 Compare c. 2, sect. 3 Also De Rep. Lac. c 3, sect. 5. 


them ; regarding no one of his countrymen as an enemy, but 
wishing to commend all ; thinking it a gain that all should be 
preserved, and esteeming it as a loss, if anyone, though worth 
but little, was cut off; but if they observed a quiet adherence 
to the laws, he evidently thought that his country would always 
be happy, and that when the Greeks conducted themselves 
wisely, it would be strong. 4. If, moreover, it is honourable 
that one who is a Greek should be a lover of the Greeks, what 
other commander has any one seen, either showing reluctance to 
take a city, when he thought he could plunder it, or regarding 
a victory, in a war with the Greeks, as a calamity ? 5. But 
Agesilaus, when news was brought him that in the battle at 
Corinth 1 eight Lacedaemonians, and nearly ten thousand of the 
enemy, were killed, showed himself by no means delighted, but 
exclaimed, " Alas for Greece ! since those who have now died 
would be able, if living, to defeat all the barbarians in the 
field of battle." 2 6. But when the Corinthian exiles said 
that the city would be surrendered to them, and showed him the 
machines with which they all expected to take the walls, he re- 
fused to make an attack upon it, saying, that it was proper to re- 
duce the cities of Greece, not to slavery, but to their senses. 
"But if," added he," we cut off all that do wrong from among us, 
we must take care lest we have none left to conquer the barba- 
rians." 3 7. If, again, it is honourable to be a hater of the Per- 
sians, because their former king led out an army for the purpose 
of enslaving Greece, and the present king 4 forms alliances with 
those by whose assistance he thinks that he shall do it greater 
injury, sends presents to those whom, he thinks likely, on 
receiving them, to inflict the most harm on the Greeks, and 
assists in making any peace through which he thinks that we 
shall most be led to war with one another, — all men, indeed, 
see this, — but what other person, except Agesilaus, ever made 
it his care, either that any nation should revolt from the 
Persian king, or that one which had revolted should not be cut 
off, or, in general, that the king of Persia, though suffering 
calamities himself, should not he able to cause annoyance 
to the Greeks? Agesilaus, even when his country was at war 

1 Xen. Hellen. iv. 2. 9—23. 2 C. Nep. Ages, c 5. 
3 C. Nep. Ages. c. 6. * Artaxerxes II. 



with the Greeks, nevertheless did not neglect the common 
good of Greece, but sailed from home with the view of doing 
whatever injury he could to the barbarians. 


Modesty, affability, and cheerfulness of Agesilaus, which rendered his 
society agreeable to those around him. His kingly spirit, and contempt 
of the riches and ostentation of the Persians. 

1. It is proper, also, not to omit to notice his sweetness of 
temper ; since while honour was conferred on him, and 
power attended him, (and, in addition to these, the dignity of a 
throne, a throne which was not assailed by conspiracies, but 
regarded with acquiescence,) no one could ever see any signs of 
haughtiness in him, but could perceive, even without looking 
for it, a disposition to love and serve his friends. 2. He took 
a share, too, with the greatest pleasure, in sportive conversa- 
tion, 1 but he discoursed seriously with his friends 2 on what- 
ever subject it was necessary to do so. As he was full of 
hope and good spirits, and always cheerful, he caused many to 
seek his society, not merely for the sake of effecting some ob- 
ject by his means, but also for the sake of spending the day 
pleasantly. Though he was by no means of a temper for 
boasting, he nevertheless listened without displeasure to those 
who praised themselves, thinking that they did no harm, but 
bade fair to become deserving men. 

3. I must not omit to observe, however, how aptly, on one 

UaidiKwv \6ywi>.] The love of youths at Sparta is "well known, and was 
most honourable ; for those who were enamoured strove to do the greatest 
service and pleasure to the beloved object, as is said by Plutarch, Lye. c. 
20, who alsc relates that Agesilaus was thue beloved by Lysander, Ages. c. 
2. Uaidiicoi Xoyoi would accordingly be such conversation as could pass 
between persons thus fond of one another, and would doubtless be sport- 
ive and jocular ; but I cannot agree with those who think that mere 
pleasant discourse, such as might occur between any two friends, is meant, 
for Xenophon's use of the word iraiSiKbg is adverse to such a supposition. 
Comp. Cyrop. i. 4. 27 ; Hellen. v. 3. 20 ; CEcon, ii. 7. Breitenbach, 
3 SvvcairovdaZt.] Una cum araicis seria loquebatur. Breitenbach. 


occasion, he displayed his magnanimity ; for when a letter 
reached him from the king of Persia, (which the Persian who 
was with Caliias l the Lacedasinonian brought,) about forming 
a connexion of hospitality and friendship with him, he would not 
receive it, but desired him who brought it to tell the king, that 
it was by no means requisite to send letters to him individu- 
ally, but that if he showed himself a friend to Laceda?mon 
and well disposed towards Greece, he would himself become 
his friend to the utmost of his power ; " if, however," added 
he, " he is found forming designs against it, let him not think, 
even if I receive a great number of letters from him, that he 
will have me for a friend." 4. I accordingly commend this con- 
duct of Agesilaus, that, to gratify the Greeks, he rejected the 
friendship of the king. I admire also this feeling in him, 
that he did not think that that sovereign f the two who had 
the greater riches, and ruled over the greater number of men, 
ought to think more highly of himself, but whichsoever was 
personally more deserving, and ruled over subjects of a bet- 
ter character. 

5. I commend likewise this proof of his forethought, that, 
considering it good for Greece that as many satraps as pos- 
sible should revolt from the king, he was not induced either 
by the presents or by the power of the king to feel any in- 
clination to form an alliance with him, but guarded against 
being distrusted by those who were disposed to revolt. 
6. Who, moreover, would not admire such conduct as the fol- 
lowing in him ? For the Persian king, thinking that if he 
had the superiority in resources he would be able to bring 
everything under his power, endeavoured for this reason to 
get into his hands all the gold, all the silver, and all the most 
valuable things in the world ; but Agesilaus, on the other 
hand, so managed his household 2 as to require none of these 
things. 7. If any one disbelieves this, let him see what kind 
of house contented him, and let him contemplate its doors ; for 
he would imagine that they were still those selfsame doors which 

1 Perhaps the same Caliias that is mentioned Hellen. iv. ] . 15 ; nothing 
move is known of him. See Apophth. Lac., and iElian, V. H. x. 20. 

2 'Avt( <jKeva<raro.] This verb, which is nowhere else found, signifies 
that Agesilaus furnished his own residence in a way quite opposite to that 
of the king of Persia. Brsitenbach. 

D 2 

36 eul:gy op agesilaus [ch. 9. 

Aristodemus, 1 a descendant of Hercules, took when he re- 
turned from exile and set up. 2 Let him also try to get a view 
of the furniture within ; let him consider how he feasted at 
the public sacrifices ; and let him hear how his daughter 
went down to Amyclae 3 upon a public carriage made of reeds. 4 
Thus adapting, accordingly, his expenses to his income, he was 
not compelled to do anything unjust for the sake of gain. It 
is thought honourable to have walls that cannot be taken by 
an enemy ; but I think it much more honourable for a man 
to render his mind unassailable alike by wealth, by pleasures, 
and by terror. 


His mode of life quite different from that of the king of Persia. He aims 

at higher objects of distinction than victories in chariot-races. 

I. I will also relate how in his private manners he formed 
a contrast to the ostentation of the Persian king; 5 for, in the 
first place, the Persian prided himself on being seldom seen ; but 
Agesilaus delighted in being always visible, thinking that to 
keep out of sight was suitable to dishonourable acts, but that 
the light rather gave lustre to a life in conformity with what 
was honourable. 6 2. In the second place, the one boasted of 
being difficult of access, whilst the other delighted in being 

1 The great-great-grandson of Hyllus the son of Hercules, and father 
of Eurysthenes and Procles, from whom the Spartan kings were descended. 

2 Took and set up, without adding any ornament to what he found 

3 To celebrate the Hyacinthia. See ii. 17. 

4 E7ri ttoXitikcv KavaBpov.~\ KavaQpov was a kind of fanciful -shaped 
carriage, of which the body was made of reeds ; the derivation being from 
Kavva, a reed, as is supposed. See Plut. Ages. c. 19. Compare also 
Ovid, Fast. vi. 680; Justin, xliii. 4. By ttoXitikov icdvaOpov Breitenbach 
understands a carriage for the common use of the citizens in processions or 
other public occasions. 

5 'Qg teal top Tpoirov vire<TTrj<Taro, k. r, \.~] Quomodo mores suos Persa 
fast id opposuerit. Comp. c. 8, sect. 6. Breitenbach. 

6 Tw Se els ko.Woq (Hy.] Vitce ad honestatem moderate. Breitenbach. 


accessible to all ; and the one prided himself in bringing mat- 
ters to an end slowly, while the other was most rejoiced when 
he sent away people most speedily after obtaining from him 
what they sought. 3. It is worth mentioning, too, how m cl 
easier and readier enjoyment Agesilaus secured ; for the Pe. 
sian kinor, people go round the whole earth seeking what he 
may drink with pleasure ; innumerable persons are constantly 
inventing what he may eat with pleasure ; and that he may 
sleep soundly, a person could scarcely enumerate in how many 
contrivances they busy themselves. But Agesilaus, from be- 
ing fond of labour, drank with pleasure whatever chanced to 
be at hand, and ate with pleasure whatever came before him ; 
while for enabling him to sleep contentedly, any place was suit- 
able. 4. Nor was he only pleased with acting thus, but felt 
delight in reflecting that he himself dwelt in the midst of 
pleasures; while he saw that the barbarian, if he would live free 
from trouble, must collect together from the ends of the earth 
objects to please him. 5. It delighted him also, that he knew 
he was able to submit without uneasiness to the dispensations 
of the gods, whilst he saw the king avoiding the heat, and 
shrinking from the cold ; imitating, through weakness of mind, 
the life, not of brave men, but of the most helpless animals. 

6. How, also, can it be otherwise than honourable to him, 
and a proof of nobleness of mind, that he himself adorned his 
own house with the actions and possessions of a man, rearing 
numbers of dogs for hunting and horses for war, while he 
persuaded his sister Cynisca to breed chariot-horses, and 
thus showed, when she gained a victory, that the breeding of 
such animals was a proof, not of manly desert, but of wealth. 

7. Did he not also show clearly, in conformity with the noble- 
ness of his disposition, that if he conquered private persons in a 
chariot-race, he would not be at all more worthy of honour ; 
but that if he regarded his country as the dearest of all objects, 
and acquired friends in the greatest number and of the high- 
est merit through the whole earth, and surpassed other men 
in conferring benefits on his country and on his friends, and 
in taking vengeance on his enemies, he would, in reality, 
carry off the palm in contests of the most honourable and 
noble character, and would become most celebrated, both 
while living and when dead ? 



The glory of Agesilaus vas due, not to fortune, but to his own abilities and 
exertions. He is an example to all who would wish to deserve fame and 
honour. Happiness of his life and death. 

1 . It is for such merits, then, that I praise Agesilaus ; for 
this conduct of his is not as if a man should meet with a 
treasure, 1 and should become indeed richer, but not more 
economical ; or as if a man should conquer his enemies when 
disease has fallen on them, and should thus be more fortunate, 
but not at all more of a general ; but he who was most dis- 
tinguished for perseverance when it was a proper time for 
labour, and for the exertion of his bodily powers when there 
was emulation in manly activity, and for judgment when 
there was need of counsel, appears to me, assuredly, to be justly 
esteemed a man of truly eminent merit. 2. And if the line 
and rule are an excellent invention for men, to assist them in 
producing meritorious works, the virtue of Agesilaus would 
seem to me to furnish a good example for those who wish to 
pursue an honourable course of conduct. For who, while im- 
itating a pious man, would become impious, or while imitating 
a just man, unjust, or while imitating a modest man, pre- 
sumptuous, or while imitating a continent man, incontinent ? 
Agesilaus, indeed, did not feel, so much exalted in ruling 
others as in ruling himself ; not so much in leading his fellow- 
citizens against their enemies, as in leading them to every 
kind of virtue. 3. Nor, because he is praised now that he is 
dead, let not any one for that reason consider this discourse 
as a lamentation, but much rather as a eulogium ; for in the 
first place, that which he heard while he lived 2 is said con- 
cerning him now; and, in the second place, what has less call 
for lamentation than a life of glory and a death at mature 
age? or what is more deserving of eulogy than victories 

1 Agesilaus did not become great and famous by chance cr good luck, 
as a man becomes rich by accidentally finding a treasure, or as a general 
gains a victory by attacking the enemy when weakened by disease, but 
gained all his distinction by virtuous and honourable exertion. Brtiien* 

9 Namely, praise, not lamentation. Breitenbach 


of the greatest splendour and actions of the highest worth ? 
4. Justly may he be esteemed happy, who, feeling a desire of 
becoming distinguished even from his very childhood, suc- 
ceeded in his object beyond all his contemporaries ; who, being 
naturally a lover of glory, continued unconquered after he be- 
came king ; and who, having reached the utmost limit of 
human life, died free from blame 1 alike in the judgment oi 
those whom he commanded, and in that of those against whom 
he fought. 


Various particulars respecting the character and acts of Agesilaus. 

i. I wish also to go over his merit again under particular 
heads, 2 that the praises of it may be more easily remembered. 

Agesilaus respected temples, even such as were situated in 
the territory of an enemy ; thinking that it was proper to 
make the gods allies, not less in a hostile than in a friendly 
country. He offered no violence to suppliants at the altars 
of the gods, even though they were his enemies ; thinking that 
it was absurd to call those who stole horn temples sacrilegious, 
and to regard those who dragged suppliants from the altars of 
the gods as pious. 2. He never ceased declaring that he 
thought the gods were no less pleased with pious works than 
with pure sacrifices. When he was successful in any enter- 
prise, he did not exult more than becomes human beings, but 
testified his gratitude to the gods ; and when he was full of 
confidence, 3 he offered up more sacrifices than he made vows 
when he was under apprehension. He had accustomed him- 
self also to appear cheerful when he was in fear, and, when he 
was fortunate, to assume a modest demeanour. 3. Of his 
friends he welcomed most heartily, not those who were most 
powerful, but those who were warmest in affection towards 

1 'AvafiaprriTOQ.] Having done nothing to deserve censure ; free from 
any gross fault or error. 

2 Concerning the contents of this chapter, see the " Remarks " prefixed. 
* After having met with some success. Breitenbach 


him. He hated, not the man who defended himself when he 
received an injury, but him who, when he received a kind- 
ness, showed himself ungraterul. He delighted in seeing those 
who were greedy of dishonourable gains become poor, and in 
assisting the honest to become wealthy ; wishing to make 
justice more profitable than injustice. 4. He made it his busi- 
ness to converse with all classes of men, but to form inti- 
macies only with the good. When he heard men praise or 
blame others, he thought that he could learn the character of 
those speaking no less than that of those concerning whom 
they spoke. Those who were deceived by friends he did not 
blame, but those who were deceived by enemies he censured 
in the utmost degree ; and he considered that to deceive those 
who distrusted was wise, but to deceive those who trusted, 
criminal. 5. He rejoiced at being praised by those who were 
ready to blame what did not please them ; he disliked none 
of those who expressed their thoughts openly, but guarded 
against those who concealed their thoughts, as against snares. 
He hated slanderers more than thieves, considering it a 
greater loss to be deprived of friends than of money. 6. The 
errors of private persons he regarded with indulgence, 
but thought those of sovereigns of great consequence ; con- 
sidering that the former were the cause of few evils, the lattei 
of many. He was of opinion, not that indolence, but that 
virtuous and honourable activity, was suitable to the dignity 
of a king. 7. He forbore from having a statue of himself erected, 
though many wished to make him a present of one; but he 
never ceased labouring to raise monuments of his mind ; 
considering that the one was the business of artists, the other 
his own ; the one that of the wealthy, the other that of the 

8. He managed pecuniary matters, not merely with justice, 
but with liberality also, thinking that to abstain from other 
men's property was enough for a just man, but that a liberal- 
minded man ought to assist others even with his own resources. 
He lived always in awe of the gods, considering that those who 
live well are not yet happy, but that those who have died 
gloriously are already blessed. 1 9. He thought it a greater 
calamity to neglect what was good knowingly, than ignor- 
antly. He valued no glory, unless he gained by labour that 
1 In allusion to the saying of Solon to Croesus, Herod, i. 34. 


which constituted it ; * and he appeared to me to regard virtue, 
in common with few other men, not as endurance, but as 
pleasure. He certainly rejoiced in being praised rather than 
in acquiring wealth. He exhibited his valour more in con- 
junction with, prudence than with temerity ; and he cultivated 
wisdom in deeds more than in words. 10. While he was most 
gentle to his friends, he was most terrible to his enemies ; 
while he rivalled all in enduring toils, he gladly yielded the 
palm in exertion to his friends, loving handsome deeds more 
than handsome persons ; and while he knew how to be moder- 
ate in prosperity, he could maintain a bold spirit in adversity. 
11. He studied to please, not with jests, but in his general be- 
haviour ; and testified his magnanimity, not with haughtiness, 
but with judicious forbearance ; while he contemned boasters, 
he was more humble than even the modest. He took a pride 
in the plainness of his own dress, and in the splendid equip- 
ments of his army, as well as in wanting as little as possible 
himself, and in conferring as many benefits as possible on his 
friends. 12. He was also most terrible as an opponent, but 
most gentle when he had conquered ; hard to be deceived by 
enemies, but most easy to be prevailed upon by friends ; and 
while he put the fortunes of his adherents in safety, he made 
it his constant business to weaken those of his adversaries. 
13. His relations called him a lover of his family ; his familiar 
friends, a friend free from evasion ; and they who had done him 
any service, called him mindful ; those who were wronged, 
a helper ; those who were in dangers with him, a preserver 
next to the gods. 

14. He seems to me also to be the only one of mankind that 
showed that vigour of body decays with age, but that vigour 
of mind in able men is free from decay. He himself, at least, 
never failed to aim at high and honourable distinction, even 
though the body could not support the exertion of the mind. 
15. What kind of youth, accordingly, is there to which his old 
age did not show itself superior ? for who in his maturity was 
so formidable to his enemies as Agesilaus was when he had 
reached the extreme boundary of life ? or at whose removal 
did his enemies rejoice more than at that of Agesilaus, 
although he died an old man ? or who inspired so much courage 

1 7 Rc ovk i^iirovii to. Uia.] Cvjus quae p'-pria essent now labor e ai 
ittidio acqnireret. Breitenbach. 


into his allies as Agesilaus did, although he was now at the 
end of his career ? l or what young man did his friends regret 
more than Agesilaus, when he died at an extreme age ? 16. But 
he continued to be of such constant service to the state, that, 
even when dead, he was carried to his eternal home 2 while 
still munificently benefiting his country, 3 leaving memorials 
of his merit in every part of the earth, and obtaining the 
funeral of a king in his own land. 

1 Upbg riji arofiaTi tov (3'lov.] " At the mouth of life," an expression 
applied to the termination of life, which is often compared to the course of 
a river. Breitenbach. 

8 A term borrowed from the Egyptians, who called the tombs of the 
dead didioi oIkoi. Diod. Sic. i. 51. 

3 In reference, as Schneider thinks, to the money that was brought to 
Sparta with the dead body of Agesilaus. See c. 2, aecu 31. 


The visit of Simonides of Ceos to Hiero, at an advanced age, is 
related by iElian, Var. Hist. ix. 1. 

The Hiero here mentioned is not Hiero II., so much celebrated 
as the friend and ally of the Romans, but Hiero I., who began to 
reign b. c. 478. He succeeded his brother Gelon, whose govern- 
ment had been extremely mild and popular ; that of Hiero was 
of a far more severe and despotic character. From the admonitions 
that Xenophon puts into the mouth of Simonides, it may be infer- 
red that there was in Hiero's conduct towards his subjects, and in 
his ostentatious magnificence, much that was generally regarded with 
disapprobation. But from the praises bestowed on him by Pindar, 
and the attractions which his court presented, not only to him, but 
to iEschylus, Bacchylides, Epicharmus, Xenophanes, and other men 
of eminence, we may suppose that he had some considerable merits, 
not only as a patron, but as a man. 

The voyage of Simonides to Syracuse is placed by Schneider in 
the year b. c. 471, the seventh year of Hiero's reign, when Simo- 
nides was more than eighty years old. Hiero died five years after- 
wards. Simonides continued with him till his death, and died in 
Sicily, about the age of ninety. 

To the discourses of Simonides with Hiero, there are allusions 
in Plato's Epistle to Dionysius (Epist. ii.) ; and in Aristotle's 
Rhetoric, ii. 16. 






Hiero observes that private individuals enjoy more gratifications from the 
senses than sovereigns ; that they are more at liberty to seek objects of 
curiosity or pleasure, as well in foreign countries as in their own ; that 
their ears are delighted with more sincere praise than those of kings ; that 
their appetites are less satiated with dainties ; that the odours with which 
kings are perfumed please the sense of others rather than their own ; and 
that kings have the disadvantage even in affairs of love. 

i. The poet Simonides came once on a visit to the court of 
Hiero. When they were both at leisure, Simonides said, 
" Would you consent to tell me some things which it is prob- 
able that you know better than I ? " 

" And of what nature are those things," said Hiero, " which 
I can be expected to know better than you, who are so wise 

a man 

? » 

2. " I know," said Simonides, "that you have been in a pri- 
vate station, and that you are now a prince. It is natural, 
therefore, since you have had experience of both conditions, 
that you should know better than I, in what respects the life 
of a king and that of a private man differ, with reference to the 
pleasures or pains usually attendant on mankind." 

3. " Well, then," said Hiero, " why should not you, as you are 
still, for the present at least, in a private station, recall to my 
memory the peculiarities of private life ? for by that mean3 I 


think that I shall be best enabled to set before you the distinct- 
ive qualities of each condition." 

4. Simonides accordingly said, " I think that I have observed, 
Hiero, that men in private life are affected with pleasure and 
pain through their eyes, by objects which they see ; through 
their ears, by sounds which they hear ; through the nose, by 
odours ; through the mouth, by meats and drinks ; and 
through other bodily senses, by means which every one knows. 
5. As to cold and warm, hard and soft, light and heavy 
objects, it seems to me that, in distinguishing them, we receive 
agreeable or painful impressions in all parts of our bodies 
alike. But by good and evil, we appear to be delighted or 
offended sometimes through the mind alone, and sometimes 
through the mind and body in conjunction. 6. That we re- 
ceive pleasure from sleep, I seem to myself to be conscious ; 
but how, and in what part of us, and at what time, 1 I feel 
myself rather at a loss to understand ; nor ought this perhaps 
to seem surprising, since what affects us when we are awake 
makes clearer impressions upon our senses than that which 
influences us during sleep." 

7. To these observations Hiero replied, " For my part, 
Simonides, 1 should be quite unable to tell how a king can 
have any other perceptions besides those which you have 
mentioned. Accordingly, as far as these points are concerned 
I know not whether the life of a king differs in any respect 
from that of a private person." 

s. " Yet in these particulars," said Simonides, "there would 
be a difference, 2 if the king is pleased by each of these means 
as much as the private person, and has far fewer causes of 

" Such, however, is not the case," said Hiero; "as kings, be 
well assured, experience much less pleasure than persons 
living in a middle rank of life, and have also more numerous 
and considerable sources of trouble." 

9. " What you say," rejoined Simonides, "is incredible; 
for, if it were so, why should many, even of those who seem 

1 'O-rriot, — torivi — 07rors.] In what manner, in -what part of the body, 
and whether wLen falling asleep or when actually asleep. Schneider. 

2 I read dia<f>ipoi av with Schneider, Zeune, and Stobaeus. Weiske and 
Dindorf have oicupkpu. 

46 HIERO. [CH. 1. 

to be most sensible l persons, be desirous of reigning ? And 
why should everybody envy'kings ? " 

10. " Because, forsooth," replied Hiero, " they form their 
opinions upon the subject without having had experience of 
both conditions. On this point I will endeavour to convince 
you that I speak the truth, beginning my remarks with the 
sense of sight ; for I seem to have a recollection that it was 
with an allusion to that sense that you commenced your obser 1 * 
ations on the subject, n. Looking in the first place, then, 
to objects that fall under our vision, I am persuaded that kings 
have the disadvantage in that respect. In different countries 
there are different objects worthy of being seen ; and to every 
one of these private persons can go, and also to whatever cities 
they please, for the purpose of viewing them ; as well as to 
the public assemblies, where whatever is thought most worthy 
of contemplation among mankind appears to be collected. 
12. But kings cannot occupy themselves much with spectacles; 
for neither is it safe for them to go where they will not be 
stronger than those around them, nor have they their affairs 
in so secure a condition at home, that they can intrust the 
conduct of them to others, and go abroad ; since they have at 
once to dread lest they be deprived of their sovereignty, and 
lest they be rendered incapable of taking vengeance on those 
who have wronged them. 

13. " « But spectacles of this kind,' you will perhaps tell me, 
'are presented to kings even while they remain at home.' 
Assuredly, my dear Simonides, only few out of many ; and 
these, of whatever nature, are sold at so high a price to kings, 
that those who exhibit before them anything whatsoever, think 
that they ought to be dismissed with the receipt of a far great- 
er reward from a sovereign for a short time, than they would 
gain from all other men together for their whole life." 

14. " But," remarked Simonides, " if you have the disad- 
vantage as to objects of sight, you have at least the superiority 
as to hearing ; for you are never without the most pleasing of 

1 'iKavbJTaTcjv 6vSp(ov.~\ Sturz, in his Lexicon, takes ikclvoq, in this 
passage, in the sense of bonus, probus, peritus. This seems to be a better 
interpretation than Weiske's, who thinks that it means opibus pollenes, 
in opposition to oi fierpiug diayovrtg, who are "Mentioned a little abce. 
Schneiiler, however, follows Weiske. 


all sounds, that of your own praise ; since all who approach 
you applaud alike whatever you say, and whatever you do; 
while you are exempted from hearing the most unpleasant ot 
sounds, that of censure, as no one ventures to reprove a king 
to his face." 

15. " But what pleasure," said Hiero, "do you think those 
who do not speak ill of a king give him, when he is well aware 
that all of them, though they are silent, think everything that 
is had of him ? Or what delight do you suppose his encomi- 
ast's afford, when they are suspected of offering their praises 
for the purpose of flattering ? " 

16. " This," said Simonides, "I certainly admit, that the 
most agreeable of praises are those which proceed from men 
of the most independent spirit. 1 But (as you see) 2 with regard 
to the food on which we human beings are supported, you will 
never persuade a single individual in the whole world, that 
you do not derive from it far more pleasure than other men " 

17. "I know very well, Simonides," he replied, "that the 
greater part of mankind consider that we eat and drink with 
more pleasure than private individuals ; and for this reason, 
that they think they themselves would partake with greater 
relish of the entertainment which is set before us, than of that 
which is set before them ; for whatever exceeds 3 that to which 
we are accustomed affords gratification. 18. On this account, 
all mankind look forward with pleasure to festival days, 
except kings ; for their tables, being always supplied with 
abundance, admit of no addition on festive occasions ; so that, 
first of all, in the pleasure derived from anticipation they are 
decidedly inferior to private individuals. 19. And in the next 
place," continued he, " I am sure that you are very well aware 
of this fact, that the more dishes a man has on his table be- 
yond what is sufficient, the sooner satiety in eating comes upon 
him ; so that, with regard to the duration of this pleasure, he 

1 Agesilaus used to say, that he was best pleased with the praises oi 
those who would have blamed him with equal freedom if he had acted 
improperly. See Ages. c. 11, sect. 5. 

2 'Oppc.] Zeune and Schneider suspect that this word is a corruption 
of aoa ov. 

3 To vTckpfiaXkov,'] This reading of Dindorfs is infinitely preferable tf 
iirtpfidWeiv, which Zeune and Schneider have adopted from Athena:u ! 

48 HIERO. [CH. 1. 

who is served with profusion is in a worse condition than those 
who live in a more moderate style.'* 

20. "Yet assuredly," said Simonides, "during the time that 
the appetite requires food, those who feed on the more sumptu- 
ous dishes must experience greater gratification than those 
who provide themselves with less expensive meats." 

21. "Do you not think then, Simonides," said Hiero, " that 
he who is most pleased with any object attaches himself to 
that object with the most fondness ? " 

" Certainly," replied Simonides. 

" Do you then see princes come with greater pleasure 
to the food which is prepared for them than private individuals 
to theirs ? " 

" Certainly not," replied Simonides, " very far from it ; on 
the contrary, they sit down to it with less pleasure, as many 
seem to have been of opinion." 

22. " Have you not observed also," asked Hiero, " those 
numerous artificial stimulants to the appetite which are set on 
the tables of princes, acid, hot, pungent sauces, and things 
of a similar nature ? " 

" Certainly," replied Simonides, " and such things appear 
to me to be quite unnatural to man." 

23. " Do you think, then," said Hiero, " that such kinds of 
food are anything else but excitements to an appetite ren- 
dered languid and weak with delicacies ? For, for my own 
part, I know very well, and you doubtless know also, that 
those who eat with a good appetite want no such artificial 
appliances ?" 

24. " As to those expensive perfumes, indeed," said Simoni- 
des, " with which you anoint yourselves. I consider that those 
who approach you have more enjoyment from you than you 
yourselves have ; as with regard also to unpleasant odours, it 
is not he that has eaten of anything offensive that perceives it, 
but rather those who come near him." 

25. " So too," said Hiero, " he who has always all sorts of 
dainties before him partakes of none of them with an appetite ; 
while he who rarely meets with any delicacy eats of it to the 
full, whenever it comes before him, with a keen relish." 

26. •' The pleasures of love, then," continued Simonides, 
"seem to be the only objects that can excite in you the desire 


of reigning ; for in this respect it is in your power to attach 
yourselves to whatever object you find eminently beautiful." 

27. " You have now, be assured," returned Hiero, "mention- 
ed that in which we are in a far inferior condition to private 
persons; for, in the first place, that sort of marriage is regarded 
as honourable which is contracted with our superiors in wealth 
and influence, and is thought to confer a certain distinction, as 
well as pleasure, on him who forms the connexion : in the 
next place to this, is a marriage of an equal with an equal ; 
but an alliance contracted with inferiors is considered alto- 
gether dishonourable and pernicious. 28. A prince, however, 
unless he man*v a foreign woman, must necessarily marry 
from an inferior family ; so that the object of his love does 
not always fall to his lot. Again, the attentions paid to 
princes by women proud of their nobility gratify them most; 
but as to those that proceed from slaves, they are, if offered, 
received with no pleasure, and, if at all neglected, the neglect 
excites violent anger and ill-feeling. 29. But even in regard 
to male objects of affection, the king, as to the pleasure to be 
derived from them, labours under still greater disadvantage 
than in connexions from which an offspring is expected; for that 
it is when sexual unions are attended with love that they 
afford the highest pleasure, we all assuredly know ; but love 
is usually excited in a king less than in any other person, 
since love delights in pursuing, not that which is always ready, 
but that which is still an object of hope. 30. As a person, 
therefore, would have no enjoyment in drinking, if he had not 
previously known thirst, so he who is unacquainted with the 
longings of love has no experience of the most ravishing 

31. Such was the opinion that Hiero expressed. But 
S-imonides, with a smile, replied, "What say you, Hiero? Do 
you intimate that no desire for male objects of affection arises 
in a king ? How is it, then, that you have such love foi 
Dailochus, who is called the most beautiful of youths ? " 

32. " It is not assuredly, my dear Simonides," replied Hiero, 
" because I am so eager to obtain from him that which appears 
to be always ready for me, but because I long to effect that 
which is least of all in the power of a king. 33. For I indeed 
desire to have from Dailochus what human nature perhaps 
compels every one to desire from beautiful objects ; but what 


50 HIERO. [CH. 2. 

I desire to have I wish to obtain with mutual affection and 
willingness, and to extort from him by force I feel less inclin- 
ation than I should feel to do an injury to my own person. 
34. To take from enemies against their will, I consider to be 
one of the highest gratifications; but favours from objects of 
affection give us most pleasure when they bestow them volun- 
tarily. 35. From one who returns our affection, glances of the 
eye, for instance, are pleasing, questions are pleasing, answers 
are pleasing, and little contentions and resentments are the most 
pleasing and fascinating of all. 36. But to enjoy objects of our 
affection by force appears to be more like the act of a robber 
than that of a lover. To a robber, indeed, the prospect of gain, 
or the annoyance of an enemy, affords some gratification ; but 
to snatch pleasure from an object of our desire, while that object 
is suffering pain, to incur hatred by the advances of love, and 
to lay hands on one that resents the familiarity, can such 
conduct be regarded as otherwise than odious and contempt- 
ible ? 37. To a private individual, if the object of his affec- 
tion offers him a favour, it is at once a proof that that object 
bestows the favour through love, since he knows that the 
favour is conferred without any impulse from necessity. 38. 
But as to a king, it is hardly ever possible for him to believe 
that he is loved ; for we know that those who submit to our 
pleasure through fear, assimilate their manner, as much as 
they can, to that of those who comply with our wishes from 
love ; and indeed there are none from whom conspiracies 
against kings proceed more frequently than from those who 
have affected to love them with the greatest sincerity." 


Simonides observes that the gratifications derived from the senses are com- 
paratively small, and mentions greater things in which sovereigns have 
the advantage. Hiero endeavours to prove that sovereignty is but splendid 
misery, being deprived of many enjoyments, and experiencing many in- 
conveniences and troubles. Kings are threatened by enemies at home 
and abroad ; they suffer all the vexations of war in common with free 
6tates, but enjoy fewer advantages from it. 

l. To these remarks Simonides replied, " But the matters 
which you mention appear to me to be but of very small weight ; 


for I observe that many of those who are esteemed as manlv 
characters are far more moderate than other persons in regard 
to food, and drink, and sauces, and abstain altogether from 
the pleasures of love. 2. But you have certainly a great ad- 
vantage over private persons in the following respects : that 
you conceive great projects, and soon carry them into ex- 
ecution ; that you have everything excellent in the greatest 
abundance, and possess horses distinguished for spirit, arms 
remarkable for beauty, ornaments of the highest value for 
your wives, palaces of the greatest magnificence, adorned with 
fu niture of the highest cost ; that you have attendants 
extremely numerous, and of the greatest expertness; and that 
you are in the best condition to do harm to your enemies, and 
good to your friends." 

3. Upon this Hiero observed, " That the greater part of man- 
kind are deluded by the splendour of royalty, I am not at all 
surprised ; for the multitude appear to me to judge of people 
as happy or miserable principally from what they see. 4. And 
royalty exhibits to the world conspicuously, and unfolded fully 
to the view, those objects which are esteemed of the highest 
value ; while it keeps the troubles of kings concealed in the in- 
most recesses of the soul, where both the happiness and the misery 
of mankind reside. 5. That the multitude, therefore, as I 
said, should be deceived as to this point, I do not at all wonder; 
but that you, who appear to form your judgment of most 
things rather from reflection than by the eye, should labour 
under the same ignorance, seems to me quite astonishing. 
6. For my own part, I know from experience extremely well, 
and I assure you, Simonides, that kings have the smallest 
share of the greatest enjoyments, and the largest share of the 
greatest of evils. 1. For example, if peace is thought to be 
a great good to mankind, kings have the least participation of 
it ; if war is deemed a great evil, kings have the greatest 
part of it. s. Private individuals, if their country is not en- 
gaged in a public war, have full liberty to travel wherever 
they please, without the least fear that any one will put them 
to death; but all kings travel everywhere as in an enemy's 
country ; at least they think it necessary to go armed them- 
selves, and to surround their persons perpetually with armed 
men. 9. Again, private individuals, if they go to make war 
in an enemy's country, still find, as soon as they return home 

E "2 

52 HIERO. [CH. 2.. 

that there is safety for them there ; but kings, when they 
come to their own capitals, are conscious that they are then 
in the midst of the greatest number of enemies. 10. Or, if 
an enemy come against a city in superior numbers, the 
weaker party, as long as they are without the walls, will in 
deed seem to be in danger, but when they have withdrawn 
into the fortifications, will consider that they are all in safety; 
but a king is not in security even when lie has retired into his 
own palace, but finds that he has then the greatest cause to 
be upon his guard. 11. Private persons, too, during a truce 
or a settled peace, enjoy cessation from the troubles of war ; 
but kings are never at peace with those whom they hold in 
subjection ; nor can a king ever place full reliance on treaties. 
12. "Again, there are wars in which free states are engaged 
with one another, and wars which kings carry on against 
people whom they have forced into subjection. Of these wars, 
whatever inconveniences those between free states occasion, 
the same inconveniences also a king experiences in his; 13 
for both the one and the other are obliged to be constantly in 
arms, to be upon guard, and to expose themselves to dangers ; 
and both, if they meet with any disaster from defeat, are 
equally doomed to suffer from it. 14. Thus far, both kinds 
of wars are on an equality ; but of the advantages with which 
those are attended that are carried on by free states against 
i'ree states, the king has never any share. 15. For when the 
inhabitants of a free city have overcome the enemy in the 
field, it is not easy to express the pleasure which they feel in 
putting their opponents to flight, as well as in pursuing and 
making havoc of them; how much they glory in such an 
exploit; what splendid distinctions they claim for themselves; 
and how they exult in the thought that they have augmented 
the strength of their commonwealth. 16. Each vindicates to 
himself some share in the honour of the enterprise, and main- 
tains that he has himself killed the greatest number of the 
enemy; and it is difficult to find an occasion on which they do 
not exaggerate, and assume that they have killed more than 
were really left dead ; so honourable does it appear to them to 
have gained a complete victory. 17. But as for a king, when 
he suspects, and becomes actually convinced, that people are 
forming designs against him, and puts them to death, he is» 
aware that he will not by that means increase the strength of 


his kingdom; he knows that he shall rule over fewer subjects, 
and cannot feel pleased, much less elated, at what he has done j 
he even extenuates his act as far as he can, and makes an 
apology for his conduct by alleging that he has done nothing 
with undue severity; so far from honourable do such proceed- 
ings appear even to himself. 18. And when those whom he 
dreaded are cut off, he is not at all the more free from appre- 
hension, 1 but finds that he must keep himself still more on his 
guard than before. Such warfare is a king, as I exemplify 
in my own person, perpetually waging. 


Sovereigns have few real friends ; they live in dread of their own relatives. 

i. " Consider, moreover, what sort of friendships kings 
enjoy. But let us reflect, in the first place, how great a 
blessing friendship is to mankind; 2. for whoever is beloved by 
others, those who love him hail his coming with pleasure, and 
take delight in serving him; when he leaves them, they are 
concerned at his absence, and when lie returns, they welcome 
him with transport ; they rejoice at his good fortune, and if 
they see him in any trouble, are ready to assist him. 3. Nor is 
it unknown to whole communities that friendship is the greatest 
and most valuable of blessings to mortals; since many states 
allow the putting of adulterers to death, alone of all offenders, 
with impunity; and evidently for this reason, that they regard 
them as destroyers of that friendship which women ought to 
have for their husbands. 4. For when a woman has been 
forced into a breach of chastity by some concurrence of cir- 
cumstances, her husband may not on that account esteem her 
the less, if her friendship for him appear to continue inviolate. 
5. So great a happiness do I esteem it to be loved, that I 
really fancy every blessing, both from gods and men, ready 
to descend spontaneously upon him who is beloved. 6. Yet 

1 Ohckv n fiaWov tovtov QappeT.] I consider, with Weiske, that 'iveta 
ought to be iuoerted, though Zeune thinks that it may be understood. 

54 hiero. tcu. 4. 

of this so valuable a good kings have of all men the least 
share ; and if you wish to be convinced, my dear Simonides, 
that I say what is true, attend to the following consideration. 
7. " The finest friendships appear to be those of parents for 
children, of children for parents, of brothers for brothers, of 
wives for husbands, and those that subsist between daily 
associates. 8. If you reflect on the subject, then, you will find 
that it i3 private persons who are most sincerely beloved by 
their connexions; and that many rulers have put to death their 
own children, and that many have been cut off by the hands 
of their own offspring ; that many brothers have killed one 
another in contending for thrones; and that many sovereigns 
have been murdered by their own wives, or by associates who 
pretended to be their greatest friends. 9. How is it possible, 
then, to imagine that those who are thus hated by such as are 
most strongly prompted by nature, and obliged by the laws, 
to love them, can be objects of affection to any one else ? 


inability to trust in those about him a great trouble to a sovereign. He is 
not protected by his country and by the laws like a private individual, 
He has less pleasure in his wealth than those of an inferior condition have 
in theirs. Kings are often forced to rob others, or to be in want them- 

1. " Must not he also who has but little trust in others feei 
himself deprived of a very great blessing? For what society 
can be agreeable without mutual confidence, or what pleasing 
intercourse can there be without such confidence, even be- 
tween man and wife ? What servant in our family can give 
us satisfaction who is distrusted ? 2. But of this reciprocal 
confidence a monarch has of all men the least share, since he 
cannot live without perpetual distrust of every sort of food and 
drink, however exquisite, that is set before him; and he re- 
quires his attendant, even before he makes an offering to the 
gods, to taste of it, because he suspects that he may eat or 
drink something poisonous in it. 

3 "To other men, moreover, their country is of the highest 

§ 4 — 8.] KINGS IttJST llt\At. OTHER KINGS. 55 

value; for citizens act as guards to one another, without 
stipend, against their slaves, an 1 act as guards, too, to one 
another against bad characters, in order that no one of their 
countrymen may Fall by a violent death. 4. They have even 
gone so far in precaution, that many states have made a law 
that no one shall be accounted guiltless who associates with 
one who is polluted with blood; so that every member of the 
state lives in safety under the protection afforded by his 
Country. 5. But with tyrants l the very reverse is the case ; 
for states, instead of avenging their deaths, bestow great 
honour on him who kills a tyrant ; and instead of excluding 
tyrannicides from their temples, as they exclude the murderers 
of private citizens, they even place in their temples the 
statues of those who have been guilty of tyrannicide. 

6. " If, again, you think that a monarch, because he has 
greater wealth than private individuals, has necessarily greater 
enjoyment from it, such is not the fact, my dear Simonides; 
but, as when athletes overcome such as are ignorant of gym- 
nastic exercises, their victory gives them no pleasure, but when 
they are vanquished by accomplished antagonists, their defeat 
causes them annoyance; so neither is a king delighted merely 
when he is seen to possess more than private individuals, but 
is vexed when he possesses less than other kings; for these he 
considers as his proper rivals in regard to wealth. 

7. " Nor are the objects of his desire attained sooner by a 
monarch than a private man; for a private man desires per- 
haps a house, a field, or a slave; but a king aims at acquiring 
cities, or extensive provinces, or harbours, or fortresses, which 
are much more difficult and hazardous of acquisition than the 
objects coveted by private individuals. 8. You will even see 
but few that are really poor among private persons, in com- 
parison with the many that may be called poor among sove- 
reigns; for what is much, or what is sufficient, is not estimated 
by the number of a man's possessions, but by the exigencies of 

1 The word tyrant signified one who held absolute power over a state, 
whether he inherited that power or obtained it for himself. He might 
exercise his power either mildly or despotically, according to his natural 
disposition. Those whom it was thought lawful to kill were chiefly such 
as acted as tyrants in the English sense of the word ; though many of the 
Spartans, and severer republicans, deemed it allowable to kill any tyrvu, 
whatever was his charact ir r 

5 b hiero. [ch. 5. 

his condition; so that what exceetw iiat which is sufficient 
may be called much, and what falls short of sufficiency little. 9. 
To a king, accordingly, revenues that are many times greater 
than those of any private individual may be less than sufficient 
for his necessary expenses; for private persons may contract 
their daily expenses as they please, but with kings this is im- 
possible, since their most necessary expenditure is for the 
guard of their persons, and to retrench any part of that ex- 
penditure l would but threaten their destruction. 

io. " As for those, again, who can obtain by lawful means 
whatever they need, how can we consider them poor? But 
as to those who are obliged by want to live in a course of un- 
just and dishonourable contrivances, how can we fairly regard 
them otherwise than as poor and wretched? n. Kings, then, 
are frequently compelled to spoil alike temples and individuals, 
in defiance of law, through want of daily supplies for their 
necessary expenses; for they are forced to maintain troops as 
if they were constantly at war, or become powerless. 


Sovereigns are often forced to live in fear even of the most honourable and 
worthy of their subjects. A sovereign is obliged to employ many -whom he 
dislikes. He is most afraid of rebellion among his people when they are 
most prosperous. 

i. "I will mention to you, also, my dear Simonides, 
another unhappiness of kings. They distinguish, not less 
accurately than private persons, which of their subjects are 
orderly, 2 and wise, and just; but, instead of regarding such 
characters with admiration, they look upon them with 
dread. They fear men of spirit, lest they should make some 

1 To fie tovtmv avvrinvu^.'] This is the reading of all the editions. 
Schneider admonishes us to understand ti, which is inserted m the passage 
as given in Stobaeus. Weiske says that tovtcjv is a genitivus partis, for 
Ik tovtwv t'l. 

2 Kofffiiovc.] This word, says Weiske, is a stumbling-block to a careful 
editor. Stobaeus has aXKi/xovq. which, as both he and Schneider remark, 
ts am:h me»© suitable to the drift of the passage. 


bold attempt in favour of liberty; men of abilities, lest they 
should engage in some conspiracy; men of virtue, lest the 
multitude should desire to be governed by them. 2. But 
when, from apprehension, they have removed such characters 
out of the way, what others are left them to employ in their 
service, except the dishonest, and licentious, and servile ? 
The dishonest are trusted, because, like monarchs themselves, 
they live in fear of the people, lest they should become free 
and become their masters; the licentious, because of their 
attachment to present power; 1 and the servile, because they 
do not even think themselves deserving to be free. This 
accordingly appears to me to be a great calamity, to esteem 
some characters as good, and to be obliged to employ those 
of a different sort. 

3. " It is necessary, besides, that a monarch have a regard 
for his people, for without them he cannot be either safe or 
prosperous ; yet the necessity of supporting his authority com- 
pels him to be severe upon them ; for monarchs do not delight 
in rendering their subjects brave or warlike ; they rather 
take pleasure, on the contrary, in raising mercenaries from 
foreign parts to overawe their own people, and using them as 
guards of their persons. 4. Nor even when, from a full 
harvest, there is abundance of provisions, does the monarch 
rejoice with his people on the occasion ; for the more they are 
in want, the more submissive he expects to find them. 


Hiero compaies the pleasures of the life which he enjoyed as a private per- 
son with the anxieties to which he is subject in his present position. 

1. "I wish to mention to you also, Simonides, those pleasures 
which I used to enjoy when I was a private individual, but 
of which, since I have become a king, I feel myself deprived. 

1 Tijc vq to Trapbi' i^ovaiaq tviKa.) " For the sake of power for the 
present." " Parce que leur lachet les attache an pnuvoir present." 
Gail. They are content with any government under which they can ear 
joy themselves and have a certain portion of influence. 

5S HTfiftO. [CM. 6. 

2. I conversed familiarly with my equals in age, delighted 
with their society, as they were with mine. I spent my time 
alone, whenever I desired to enjoy the tranquillity of solitude 
or I joined in convivial entertainments with my friends ; 
oftentimes till we forgot whatever is disagreeable in human 
life ; oftentimes till we lost all thought in songs and carous- 
ings and dancings ; and oftentimes till we gratified our most 
extravagant inclinations, my own as well as those of my asso- 
ciates. 1 3. But now I am debarred from the companionship 
of those who took pleasure in my society, as I have slaves 
only for associates instead of friends ; I am deprived of all 
gratification in the society of those companions that I have, 
because I see in them no good feeling towards me ; and 1 
guard against intoxication and sleep, as against conspirators. 
4. But to fear a multitude, and to fear solitude, to fear the 
absence of guards, and to fear the guards themselves, to be 
unwilling to have unarmed men around me, and to see armed 
men without pleasure, can this be regarded as other than a 
wretched state of existence ? 5. To place, besides, greater 
confidence in foreigners than in one's own countrymen, in 
barbarians than in Greeks, to desire to treat free men as 
slaves, and to be forced to give slaves freedom, 2 do not all 
these things appear to you indications of a mind disturbed by 
terrors ? 6. But fear not only causes uneasiness in the mind 
itself, but is the constant destroyer of all our pleasures. 7. If 
you have any experience of warlike proceedings, Simonides, 
and have ever been stationed in close opposition to a body 
of the enemy, call to mind how little food you ate, and how 
little sleep you took, at that time. 8. And uneasy as were 
the sensations which you then experienced, such, and even 
more disquieting, are those of tyrants ; for tyrants fancy that 
they see enemies, not merely in front of them, but on all 

9. Simonides, on hearing these observations, said in reply, 
" You appear to me to state some part of your argument too 
strongly ; for war, indeed, is attended with constant alarms ; 
but yet, Hiero, when we are in the field, we enjoy our dinner 

1 Msxpi KOivrjg l7rt9vjxiag IfiTjQ re icai tuiv irapovTiov.'] Schneider sus- 
pects that fii9rjg, or something similar, ought to occupy the place of 
iiriQvfiiag. Weiske conjectures tvGvfiiag. 

* In order to make friends and supporters of them. 


and our sleep, after we have posted our sentinels, in perfect 

io. "Very true," said Hiero, "for the laws keep watch 
over the guards themselves, 1 so that they fear for themselves 
as well as for you ; but kings have guards that are merely 
hired for pay, like labourers in harvest, u. It is incumbent 
on guards, indeed, to make nothing so much their object as to 
be faithful ; but it is far more difficult to find one among our 
guards faithful, than to find numbers of trustworthy workmen 
in any trade that you may desire ; especially as our guards at- 
tend us for the sake of money, and have it in their power to 
gain much more money in a short time, by killing their so- 
vereign, than they would receive from him for affording him 
protection for a long period. 

12. "But as to the privilege for which you said that we 
were to be envied, that of being able to benefit our friends, 
and to suppress our enemies, beyond all other men, what you 
say is by no means just. 13. For how can you think of us as 
ever conferring favours on friends, when you are well aware 
that he who receives most from us would be most pager to 
withdraw himself as soon as possible from our sight, since 
whatever a man receives from an absolute prince, he thinks 
no part of his own till he is out of that prince's power ? 

14. "Or how can you say thatprinces have the greatest power 
of subduing their enemies, when they are sensible that all are 
their enemies, who are subject to their rule ? It is not in 
their power to put all to death, or to confine them all in 
prison ; for over whom would they then rule ? But though 
they know that their subjects are their enemies, they must at 
the same time both guard against them,, and employ their 
services. 15. Be assured of this also, Simonides, that such of 
their subjects as princes dread, they can neither see living 
without uneasiness, nor put to death without uneasiness. 
As with regard to a horse, if he have good qualities, but 
makes us fear that he may cause some fatal accident, we should 
feel the utmost reluctance, on account of his value, to put 
him to death, yet we should also feel extremely unwilling to 
make use of him, lest, amidst the danger which we must in- 
cur, he should do us some irreparable mischief. 

1 Avrvjv — 7rpo<pv\a.TTov(Tiv oi vo/oj.j T e guards do their duty thro ugh 
fe<ir of the laws. Portus. 

60 hiero. Tch. 7. 

16. "Such is the case likewise with many other things that 
we possess ; they are attended with trouble, and yet are use- 
ful ; and they alike annoy us while we retain them, and cause 
us regret when we part from them." 


Simomdes observes that honour, a great object of human desire, is paid to 
kings. Hiero replies that such honour is rather forced than voluntary. 
Simonides asks why then kings do not resign their power? Hiero answers 
that, though they cannot maintain their position without trouble, they 
cannot retire from it without danger to themselves. 

i. Simonides, having listened to these observations from 
Hiero, said, " Yet, Hiero, honour appears to me to be an ob- 
ject of great importance, since men submit to every kind of 
labour, and undergo every sort of danger, with the desire of at- 
taining it. 2. You sovereigns, though royalty is attended with 
so many troubles as you describe, are nevertheless strongly at- 
tached to it, as it seems, in order that you may be honoured, and 
that all around you may readily execute whatever you com- 
mand; that everybody may fix their gaze upon you, may rise 
from their seats before you, and yield you the way, and that all 
about you may show respect for you by their words and ac- 
tions ; for such are the honours which subjects pay to so- 
vereigns, and to any one else to whom they have occasion to 
testify respect. 3. For it is in this desire of honour, Hiero, 
that man seems to me to differ from the other animals ; since 
in eating, and drinking, and sleep, and sexual intercourse, all 
animals appear to find equal gratification; but the love of hon- 
our is not implanted by nature in the irrational animals, nor, in- 
deed, ii; all men ; and they in whom the love of honour and 
praise is innate, are those who are elevated most above the brutes 
and who are justly named men, and not merely human beings. 
4. So that you seem to me to submit to all the inconveni- 
ences which you experience in sustaining royalty not without 
good reason, since you are honoured far above other mortals. 
Indeed, no human pleasure seems to approach nearer to the 


divine nature than the delight which is Mfe from receiving 

5. " But I assure you, my dear Simonides," said Hiero, in 
reply, " that the honours offered to sovereigns appear to me 
extremely similar to the pleasures which I have observed to 
you that they receive from love. 6. For the complaisances 
paid us by such as have no reciprocal affection for us, we al- 
lowed, were not to be regarded as favours, and submission ex- 
torted by force was admitted to give no real pleasure ; and in 
like manner services that proceed from such as fear us cannot 
be considered as honours, i. How, indeed, can we imagine 
that those who rise from their seats by compulsion rise to do 
honour to persons that do them harm, 1 or that those who give 
the way to their superiors, give it from a desire of showing 
respect to those who tyrannize over them ? 8. A vast number 
of mankind make presents to those whom they hate, and offer 
them when they are most in fear of suffering some harm from 
them ; but such acts, I consider, must justly be regarded as 
acts of servility ; whereas real respect, as it appears to me, 
proceeds from quite contrary motives. 9. Since, when people 
think that a man is capable of doing them service, and are in 
expectation of enjoying benefits from him, and consequently 2 
have his name in their mouths with praise, contemplate him 
each as his own benefactor, gladly make way for him, and rise 
from their seats before him from love, and not from fear, crown 
him for his public virtues and beneficence, and are ready to be- 
stow other marks of esteemupon him, they who pay such respect 
seem to me to honour such a man in sincerity, and he who is 
thought worthy of such regard appears to be truly honoured. 
10. A man who is thus held in consideration, I regard as 
eminently happy ; for I observe that he is not conspired 
against, but becomes an object of solicitude, in order that 
he may suffer no harm, and that he passes a life free from 
fear, and danger, and peril, and in the midst of prosperity ; 
while a tyrant, my dear Simonides, passes day and night, be 

1 Aia to ti\jlclv roi'Q adiKovvrag.] By oi adiicovvTEQ are here meant 
" tyrants." Sturz. Lex. Xen. 

*-. *E7rara.] Propterea is the sense required. At other times this 
particle, when used somewhat redundantly, has rather the sense of tamen. 

62 HIERO. [cn. 8. 

assured, as if he were condemned by the whole human race to 
die for his usurpation." 

11. When Simonides had heard these remarks, " How is it 
then," said he, " if kingly power is attended with so much 
trouble, and you are sensible of its vexations, that you, Hiero, 
do not free yourself from so great an evil, and that no other 
sovereign has ever voluntarily laid down power, after he had 
once become possessed of it ? " 

12. " Because," replied Hiero, "it is on this very account 
that royalty is the most wretched condition imaginable ; for 
there is no possibility of setting one's self free from it, since 
how can any sovereign command sufficient resources to make 
restitution of property to those from whom he has taken it, 
or how can he make atonement in bonds to those whom he 
has cast into prison, or how can he offer a sufficient number 
of lives to die for those whom he has put to death F 1 13. If, 
indeed, my dear Simonides, it would be a gain to any man to 
hang himself, I certainly think that it would be of the very 
greatest advantage to a tyrant to do so; for he alone is pro- 
fited neither by retaining his troubles nor by laying them 


Simonides observes that a sovereign has more facilities than other men for 
securing good-will and attachment, as small favours from him are more 
valued than greater ones from private individuals. Hiero replies that a 
sovereign must also do many things that render him unpopular. 

i. Simonides, in reply, said, " I am not indeed surprised, 
Hiero, that you feel so despondingly, at present, with respect 
to royalty, since, having a desire to be loved by mankind, you 
regard your station as an impediment to your wishes. I think 
that I can show you, however, that kingly power is no obsta- 

1 tyvxaQ — a.7ro9avovfiivaQj] I am persuaded that Xenophon wrote 
ZTToOavovfievog. He who dies yields up his life; but a tyrant, dying by 
a violent death, cannot yie/d up a number of lives, to atone for those that 
he has taken away from tha number of lis subjects that he has condemned 
to death. Schneider. 

§ 2 — 6.J INFLUENCE OF A KING. 63 

cle to gaining love, but that it ever gives an advantage to him 
who holds it, in reference to that object, over private individu- 
als. 2. But in considering whether it is so, let us not examine 
whether the monarch, from having greater power, can also 
bestow greater favours, but, supposing that a private person 
and a king confer equal favours, contemplate which. of the 
two will, through the influence of such favours, command ' 
the greater feeling of acknowledgment from those whom he 
obliges. I will begin with examples from matters of lighter 
moment. 3. First, let a king and a private individual address 
any person in a friendly manner; whose salutation do you 
think will give the greater pleasure to the hearer? Or, if 
they both praise the same person, whose praise do you think 
will produce the greater gratification ? Or, after a sacrifice,' 2 
let each invite him to his table, whose invitation do you think 
would be received with the greater respect ? 4. Or let them 
pay equal attention to a sick person, is it not certain that the 
attentions of the more powerful will convey the higher grati- 
fication ? Or let them make presents of equal cost ; is it not 
indubitable that gifts of half the price from the more influ- 
ential would be valued at a higher rate than the whole of 
what is bestowed by the private individual ? 5. To me it 
appears that there descends as it were from the gods a certain 
dignity and grace to attend on the person of a king ; a dig- 
nity which not only renders the man himself more majestic, 
but makes us look on the same man with more pleasure when 
he is invested with royalty than when he is in a private sta- 
tion ; and we feel a greater pride in conversing with those 
who are superior to us in honour, than with those who are on 
a level with us. 

6. "As to love, too, in reference to which you found the 
greatest fault with the condition of royalty, the objects of a 
king's affection are least offended at old age in him, and with 
whomsoever he is familiar, it is accounted no disgrace to him; 
for the very honour received from the prince casts such a 
\ lustre on the connexion, as to throw into the shade whatever 

1 Dindorf, and most modern editors, read Krarai : Schneider and 
Weiske ktcloQcu, understanding dvraiT av from the words preceding. 

8 It was usual among the Greeks to invite their friends to an enter- 
tainment after a sacrifice, when they partook of what was left of the 

64 HIERt. [ CIT - ^ 

is ignominious in it, and to make what is attractive appear in 
brighter colours. 

7. " Since, then, by equal services you secure greater re- 
gard than private persons, why ought you not to be far more 
beloved than they, when you have it in your power to benefit 
mankind by far more numerous services, and are in a condi- 
tion to bestow far more liberal donations ?'" 

8. Hiero immediately replied by saying, " Because, as- 
suredly, my dear Simonides, necessity obliges us to do many 
more of those acts by which men incur unpopularity than 
private persons are called upon to do. 9. We must raise 
money by taxes, if we would have enough for our necessary 
expenditure; we must compel men to guard whatever requires 
to be guarded ; we must punish criminals, and repress such 
as are inclined to be insolent ; and whenever there is occasion 
for activity, to undertake an expedition by sea or land, we 
must not intrust an affair of the kind to negligent com- 
manders. 1 to. A king has also need of mercenary troops ; 
no burden is more oppressive on the people than they are, for 
they consider that such troops are maintained, not for the 
safety of the state, 2 but as an instrument of tyranny." 


Simonides advises Hiero to stimulate his subjects to honourable exertion, by 
offering rewards for such as meritoriously distinguished themselves. 

i. In answer to this Simonides again observed, " I do not 
deny, Hiero, that attention must be given to all these objects ; 
yet, though some of these concerns appear to tend greatly to 
unpopularity, others seem to lead directly to the attainment 
of public favour. 2. To teach things that are most excellent, 

1 So that "we shall offend those whom we do not employ. 

2 The word iaorifjiovg, which appears in all copies, is, says Schneider, 
evidently corrupt ; and he supposes that it has usurped the place of some 
word not much in use. Leunclavius proposes Tifirjg, D'Orville tVort/itaj. 
I have followed Zeune, who adopts cwrnpiac from Aretinus's version. 


and to commend and honour him who does them best, is an 
office that must secure regard ; while to rebuke and coerce, 
to fine and punish, him who fails in his duty, must necessarily 
rather provoke dislike. 3. I am therefore of opinion that a 
ruler should commit the task of punishing such as require 
severity to others, but that he should execute the office of 
bestowing rewards in his own person. 4. That such a course 
would be attended with good effects, experience shows ; 
for when we wish choruses ! to contend for honours, the pre- 
sident 2 himself proposes the prizes, but to the choragi is 
committed the duty of assembling the members of the chorus, 
to others that of instructing them, and of imposing penalties 
on such as are deficient in their parts. Thus in such matters 
the agreeable duty is done by the president, and that which 
is of a contrary nature by others. 5. What obstacle is there, 
then, to the management of other affairs in the city in a simi- 
lar manner ? All communities have their several divisions, 
some into tribes, others into morce, others into lochi, 3 and over 
each of these divisions an officer is appointed. 6. If, there- 
fore, we should offer rewards to these divisions, as we offer 
them to choruses, for having their arms in good order, for 
excellent discipline, for skill in riding, for bravery in the 
field, for integrity in civil transactions, it is natural to suppose 
that all such duties would, from emulation, be sedulously ob- 
served ; 7. and, assuredly, the citizens in general, from de- 
sire of honour, would be more ready to undertake an expedi- 
tion whithersoever they might be required, and contribute 
more promptly to the support of the state whenever circum- 
stances might demand ; and besides (which is of all things 
the most beneficial, though it has been but little promoted by 
the influence of emulation), agriculture itself would be greatly 
advanced, if we should offer prizes, in the several farms and 

1 Bands of dancers, singers, and musicians, 

2 'O apxcov,] The magistrate who had the charge of sacred ceremonies 
and festivities. Schneider. 

3 Kara <pv\ag — Kara fioipag — Kara Xd^owc.] We ought probably to 
read fiopag for fioipag. The division of the citizens into mores -was that 
of the Spartans, as is well known ; that into phyla was Athenian ; that 
into lochi prevailed among the Thebans and Argives, as appears from 
"Yen. Hellen. vi. 4. 13 ; vii. 2. 4. These divisions had respect not only 
*> civil, but also to military, duties ; for Xenophon speaks of the Attic 
vhylee when he describes the order of the Athenian army in the Helle- 
nica, (See also Horn. II. ii. 362.) Schneider. Dindorf reads fiopag. 

VOL. ill. r 

66 HIERO. [CH. 10. 

villages, for such as cultivated their land in the best manner, 
since by this means many advantages would be gained by 
those who should vigorously apply themselves to that occupa- 
tion ; 8. for the public revenues would be augmented, and 
temperance would be a closer attendant on increased ex- 
ertion ; and fewer crimes, indeed, are committed among peo- 
ple who are constantly employed. 9. If, moreover, commerce 
is of any advantage to a commonwealth, and if he who en- 
gages in it with the greatest diligence were to be honourably 
distinguished, he would doubtless collect merchants around 
him in greater numbers. If, too, it were made known that 
he who should discover any new source of revenue for the 
state, without detriment to individuals, would receive honour, 
neither would this consideration be neglected. 10. And to 
say all in one word, if it were made evident, in regard to all 
departments of the commonwealth, that he who introduced 
anything beneficial would not be unrewarded, the knowledge 
of this would incite numbers of people to endeavour to make 
useful discoveries ; and when many pay attention to the in- 
terests of the public, a greater number of means for further- 
ing them must necessarily be discovered and carried into 

n. "But if you are apprehensive, Hiero, that if prizes are 
offered for a great number of departments, the expense may 
be excessive, consider that no purchasable objects are obtained 
at less cost than those which men secure by means of prizes ; 
for do you not see what small prizes, in the equestrian and 
scenic contests, call forth great expenditure, and much toil 
and care, on the part of the public ? " 


Inconveniences of employing mercenary troops. Simonides shows how they 
may be employed to the greatest advantage. 

i. "These remarks, Simonides," replied Hiero, "you ap- 
pear to me to make with great justice ; but have you any- 
thing to recommend respecting mercenary troops, to prevent 
me from being unpopular on their account ? or are yen 


inclined to say that a prince who secures the affection of hie 
subjects has no need of guards ? " 

2. " Nay," replied Simonides, " he will assuredly have need 
of them ; for it is natural to men, as it is to horses, to become 
more unmanageable the more plentifully they arp supplied 
with provisions ; l and the fear of guards will be the more 
necessary to keep men in such a condition quiet. 3. To th? 
virtuous and respectable part of the public, also, it appears tf 
me that you can afford greater benefit by no other means than 
by the maintenance of a body of mercenaries. 4. You main- 
tain them, indeed, as guards for your own person ; but many 
masters have been put to death in past times by their own 
dependants ; and if, therefore, it should be one of the chief 
charges given to your mercenaries, that they are the guards 
of all the citizens, and are to protect all, if they perceive any 
such danger threatening them 2 — and there are, as we all 
know, bad characters in every city — if therefore, I say, your 
guards were ordered to keep a watchful eye on such charac- 
ters, the citizens in general would feel themselves benefited by 
the maintenance of them. 5. In addition to this, your guards 
might very well afford security and tranquillity, in a great 
measure, to the workmen and cattle in the fields, not only 
to your own, but to those throughout the country in general. 
They would be in a condition also, by guarding certain advan- 
tageous posts, to secure to the inhabitants freedom from inter- 
ruption, so that they may attend to their proper business. 6- 
Besides, who are better fitted to foresee and prevent secret 
and sudden incursions of enemies than men who are always 
under arms and united in one body ? For taking the field, 
too, what can be more beneficial to the citizens than a body of 
mercenaries ? for it is natural that they should be in the 
highest degree ready to brave toil and danger in defence 
of the country. 7. Must it not happen, moreover, that neigh- 
bouring powers will be most desirous of peace with any 
country, when it has an armed force constantly on foot ? for 
such a force is eminently able to protect the possessions 
of their friends, and to spread destruction among what be- 

1 It is assumed that the state has been made rich by the management 
of the prince. Weiske. 

3 Weiske supposes that some words have dropped out of the text hei* x 
but it is possible to make sense of the passage as it stands. 

6b HIERO. [CH. 11, 

longs to their enemies. 8. When, therefore, the people un- 
derstand that mercenary troops do no ill to such as do no 
wrong, but that they check such as desire to commit violence, 
succour such as are unjustly treated, and are vigilant and ex- 
pose themselves to danger for the public safety, how can they 
do otherwise than contribute with pleasure to their support ? 
Private individuals, indeed, often keep guards for objects 
of far less moment than these." 


Simonides admonishes Hiero that a sovereign ought to employ his own 
private resources as much as possible for the public good, and ought 
to exert himself in every way to promote the prosperity of his dominions, 

i. "It is also incumbent on you, Hiero, not to shrink 
from expending a portion of your own private revenue on the 
public service ; for it seems to me that what is laid out by a 
king for public objects is more advantageously bestowed than 
what is spent on his own private account. 2. Let us consider 
the point in reference to various particulars. Whether do you 
think that to have a palace adorned at an enormous expense, 
or to have your whole metropolis furnished with walls, &nrl 
temples, and porticoes, 1 and market-places, and harbours, 
would do you the greater honour ? 3. Or whether would 
you appear more formidable to your enemies, when you are 
yourself clad in the finest of armour, or when your whole 
country is efficiently armed ? 4. In which way do you consider 
that your revenues would be rendered greater, by taking 
care to make merely your own private property productive, 
or by contriving that the property of the whole community 
may be productive ? 5. And as to that which is thought 
to be the most honourable and noble of occupations, the breed- 
ing of horses for the chariot-race, whether do you think that 
you would do yourself the greater honour if you yourself 2 
should maintain, and send to the public games, more chariots 

1 All the copies have 7rapa<TTacn, which means pillars, or perhaps 
colonnades. Ernesti and Schneider would read *raordo-t, " porticoes,** 
which seems pr«w«M» 
-• Hiexo's victories in im gA&tee are celebrated by Pindar. 


than any other Greek, or if a greater number of men from 
your country than from any other should breed horses and 
contend at the games ? Whether do you think it more noble 
to gain a victory by the excellence of your own particular 
chariot, or through the general prosperity of the city over 
which you rule ? 6. I myself, indeed, think it quite unbecom- 
ing to a prince to enter the lists with private individuals ; for 
if you are victorious, you will not be admired, but incur 
odium, as having extorted the money for your expenses from 
the substance of many families ; and if you are unsuccessful, 
you will meet with more ridicule than any private individual. 
7. I would impress upon you, Hiero, that your proper field of 
competition is against the rulers of other states, and if you 
exhibit the state that you govern superior in prosperity 
to theirs, be assured that you will have triumphed in the 
most honourable and noble contest that can arise among man- 
kind. 8. And you will thus, in the first place, secure the love 
of your subjects, which you so much desire ; and it will not 
be one herald only 1 that will proclaim your victory, but 
all mankind will concur in celebrating your merit. 9. Becom- 
ing an object of attention, you will be loved, not merely by 
a few private individuals, but by numbers of whole commu- 
nities, and be admired, not only in your own palace, but 
through the whole world. 10. You will then be able to 
travel in safety wherever you please, for the purpose of 
gratifying your curiosity ; or you may receive such gratifica- 
tion even while you remain at home ; for there will always be 
numbers of people around you ready to exhibit whatever they 
have discovered that is either ingenious, or beautiful, or 
useful, and of such as will be desirous to gratify you. 2 ll, 
Every one who is admitted to your presence will be devoted 
to you, and every one at a distance will long to behold you ; 
so that you will not only be regarded with favour, but 
sincerely beloved by mankind ; and you will be under no 
necessity of soliciting favours from the objects of your affec- 
tion, but must submit to be solicited by them. You will have 
no fear from others, but will excite fear in them, lest you 

1 As at the Olympic games. 

* By constructing for you hereafter something agreeable or useful ; 
something which may occur to them, or which you yourself may suggest 

70 H1EKO. [ca. 11. 

should meet with any harm. 12. You will find your subjects 
willing to obey you, and see them taking thought of their own 
accord for your interests. Should any danger chance to 
threaten you, you will have not only allies, but champions and 
zealous defenders. You will be thought deserving of innu- 
merable presents, and you will never want a friend to whom 
you may impart a share of them. You will find all men de- 
lighted at your prosperity, and ready to contend for what 
is yours as earnestly as for what is their own. 13. You will 
consider all the wealth belonging to your friends as treasures 
laid up for your own use. Enrich then your friends without 
fear, Hiero, for by that means you will enrich yourself. In- 
crease the power of your people, for you will thus clothe 
yourself with power ; and secure for it allies, 1 * * * * 
14. Esteem your country as your own family ; your fellow- 
citizens as your friends ; your friends as your children ; and 
your children as your own life ; and study to surpass them 
all in acts of kindness. 15. For if you go beyond your friends 
in kind offices, no enemies will be able to stand before you. 
And if you constantly pursue such a course of conduct, be 
certain that you will secure the most honourable and blissful 
possession attainable among mankind ; for you will be happy, 
and not be envied." 

1 Weiske rightly supposes that something is wanting here; to this 
effect. " for you will thus gain supporters to your own power." 



Of ;ae philosophy of Socrates, as transmitted to us by Xenophon, 
it is not the object to investigate the causes, or ascertain the origins, 
of divine and human things, but, by teaching what is good and 
honourable, to fit men, individually, for attaining happiness in life, 
and to instruct communities how to secure prosperity. There are, 
accordingly, two principal parts of the Socratic philosophy : the 
ethic, which shows what course of conduct every person must pursue 
in order to gain a character for virtue and honour ; and the political^ 
which teaches by what means individuals may advance a com- 
munity to the highest state of excellence. But as the master of a 
family and his household constitute, as it were, a smaller com- 
munity in the midst of a greater, and as the prosperity of the 
whole state depends on the proper management of each particular 
family, a third part, the (Economic, is added. 

The first author that wrote of ethics, politics, and (Economics, 
in distinct and separate treatises, was Aristotle. As for Plato, 
who says that we cannot conceive of virtue or merit in a man 
or master of a family, unless as subject to the laws of his 
community, he has included all those three parts of moral 
philosophy in one book, which he has entitled his " Republic." But 
it was Xenophon that laid the foundation of this triple division ; 
for in his " Memorabilia " he makes it his object to show the whole 
scope of the moral teaching of Socrates (though in that work 


there is much that relates rather to political or oeconomical 
science) ; in the " Cyropaedia " he illustrates a part of political 
science ; and in the present treatise he discusses (Economy or 
domestic management. 

The dialogue in this book, unlike those in the " Memorabilia," is 
written in a certain regular method, and consists of parts carefully 
put together. We see that the whole work is purposely divided 
into two parts. The first, which contains a conversation of Socra- 
tes with Critobulus, is in place of an introduction, and prepares 
the reader for what is to follow ; the other, which is a dialogue 
between Ischomachus and Socrates, sets forth the precepts intend- 
ed to be given concerning the management of a family. 

The simple and graceful facility in discussing a subject which 
we know to have been peculiar, not to the Socrates represented in 
Plato, but to the Socrates that really lived, is exhibited as clearly in 
the " CEconomicus " as in any of Xenophon's other writings. Cicero 
thought it worthy of being translated into Latin. JBreitetibach 

A few other remarks on the " CEconomicus " may be seen in the 
"Biographical Notice of Xenophon," prefixed to the preceding 







Socrates teaches Critobulus that oeconomy is an art •which is shown in the 
management of households and estates, whether our own or those of 
others ; that goods are whatever a person may use in such a way as to 
gain advantage from them ; and that if some meet with loss instead of 
profit from the use of them, the fault lies in their own misconduct. 

1. I once heard Socrates 1 also discoursing on the manage- 
ment of a household, after the following manner : " Tell me," 
said he, " Critobulus, 2 is domestic management the name of an 
art, as that of healing, or of working in brass, or of building ?" 
"It appears so to me," said Critobulus. 2. "And as we can 
specify concerning these arts, what is the business of each, 
can we also specify concerning domestic management, what 
is its business ? " " It appears, at least," said Critobulus, 
" that it is the business of a good householder to regulate his 

1 "YLkovgo. dk iron avTov. Xenophon commences thus in allusion to 
what he had previously written concerning Socrates. He begins all 
his works thus abruptly, and without preface, except the Cyropaedia and 
the treatise de Re Equestri. 

a Critobulus the son of Crito, a very rich man, was one of the familiar 
associates of Socrates, as appears not only from this book, especially 
c. 3, sect. 7, but from Mem. Soc. ii. 6 ; i. 3. 8, and from the Symposium, 
especially c 4, sect. 27 Breite?ibach. 

74 (ECONOMICUS. [CH. 1. 

house well." 3. "And as to another man's house," said 
Socrates, "if the owner should intrust it to him, might he 
not be able, if he pleased, to regulate it as well as his own ? 
He who is skilled in building can do for another equally well 
what he can do for himself ; and surely he who is skilled in 
domestic management may act similarly." " It appears so to 
me, Socrates." 4. "Is it possible then," said, Socrates, "for 
one who knows this art, and happens to have no property of 
his own, to earn money by managing the house of another, as 
an architect earns money by building a house ? " " Yes, 
doubtless," said Critobulus, " he might earn a large sum of 
money, if, taking a house under his charge, he can fulfil the 
duties which it requires and augment the value of it by 
adding largely to its resources." 

5. " But what is it that the term house gives us to under- 
stand ? Is it the same as the mere building, or is whatever a 
man possesses, besides the mere building, included under the 
term house ? " " It seems to me," replied Critobulus, 
" that everything a person has, even though it be not in the 
same country with the possessor, is comprehended under the 
term house, 1 or personal property." 6. "Have not, then, some 
persons enemies ? " " Certainly ; some have very many." 
" Shall we, therefore, say that enemies are the property of 
those persons ? " " It would be ridiculous," answered Cri- 
tobulus, " if a person who increases the enemies of another, 
should receive pay for increasing them." " I asked the ques- 
tion," said Socrates, " because it seemed settled between us 
that a man's house, or estate, is whatever he has." "As- 
suredly," returned Critobulus, "whatever good a man has 
is his property, or a portion of his goods ; but, by Jupiter, if 
he has anything hurtful, I do not reckon it among his goods." 

7. " You seem, then," said Socrates, " to mean by goods 
something serviceable to the owner." " Most certainly," re- 
joined Critobulus; "for what does him injury I regard as 
a nuisance, rather than a part of his goods." 8. "If, then, 
a man buy a horse, 2 and does not know how to manage him, 
but falls off him, and receives some injury, is the horse not a 
part of his goods ? " " Not if goods are something service- 

1 Ql*oQ, in the sense of estate, or personal property. 
3 See Mem. Soc. ii. 3. 7. 

§ 9 — 14.] WHAT A MAN'S GOODS ARE. 75 

able." "Neither, then, is land part of a man's goods, if he 
cultivates it in such a manner as to suffer bj its cultivation." 
" Land certainly cannot be called part of a man's goods, if, 
instead of supporting him, it brings him nothing but hunger." 

9. " So, then, with regard to sheep, if a man, from not know- 
ing how to manage sheep, suffers loss by keeping them, the 
sheep would not be a portion of his goods." " It seems to me 
that they would not." " You, then, as it appears, consider 
goods as what is profitable; but what is hurtful you do not con- 
sider as goods." "Exactly so." 

io. " The same things, then," continued Socrates, " are goods 
to him who knows how to make use of them, but not goods to 
him who does not know ; thus flutes will be goods to him 
who knows how to play properly upon them, but to him who 
does not know they will no more be goods than worthless 
pebbles are goods; unless indeed he sells them." ] l. " So it 
appears to me," rejoined Critobulus, " that flutes will be 
goods to those who are ignorant of their use, if they sell them, 
but not while they merely possess them ; and thus our reason- 
ing proceeds consistently, since it was laid down that goods 
are what is serviceable ; for to such persons as those to whom 
we alluded, flutes are not goods (since they are of no service), 
but, when sold, become goods." 12. To this Socrates rejoined, 
" If indeed the owner knows how to sell them ; but if he sells 
them to another person who does not know how to use them, 
they will not be goods even when they are sold, according to 
your reasoning." " You appear to intimate, that not even 
money itself is to be reckoned among a person's goods, unless 
he knows how to use it." 13. " And you appear to agree 
with me, when you say that goods are things by which a per- 
son may be profited. If, for example, a man should make use 
of his money to get a mistress, and should, by her means, 
bring himself into a worse condition, bodily, mentally, and in 
his household affairs, how could it be said that his money was 
at all profitable to him ? " " By no means ; unless indeed we 
say that hyoscyamus, as it is called, is a profitable article to 
possess, a herb of which those who eat are driven mad." 
" Money, then, if its possessor does not know how to use it, 
may be thus excluded, Critobulus, from being numbered 
among goods. 

14 "But as to friends," continued Socrates, "if a person 

76 (ECONOMictrs. [ch. 1. 

knows how to use them, so as to receive profit from them, what 
shall we say that they are ?" " Goods, by Jupiter," said 
Critobulus, "and much more so than oxen, if at least they are 
more serviceable than oxen." is. " Enemies also, then, accord- 
ing to your argument, are goods to him who is able to extract 
profit from enemies." " It appears so to me." " It is the part 
of a good manager of property, then, to know how to deal with 
his enemies in such a way as to derive profit from them." 
" Most certainly." " True ; for you see, my dear Critobulus, 
how many families, as well of private individuals as of princes, 
have been improved in condition oy war." 

16. " This point seems to me to be very well settled, 
Socrates," said Critobulus ; " but what can we think when we 
see persons who have knowledge and resources by which they 
might with exertion improve their property, but perceive that 
they are unwilling to do so, and that their qualifications are 
in consequence of no profit to them ? Can we say anything 
else than that their qualifications are not goods to them, not 
even possessions of the least value ?" 17. " Do you mean to 
speak of slaves, my dear Critobulus ?" said Socrates. " Not I 
indeed, by Jove," replied he ; " but there are some among those 
who are esteemed noble, of whom I see that part are acquaint- 
ed with the arts of war, and part with those of peace, which 
arts, however, they will not exercise, because, as I suppose, 
they are without masters to compel them." is. " How can 
they be without masters," said Socrates, " when, desiring to 
prosper, and wishing to do something from which they may 
derive profit, they are still hindered from doing so by those 
who rule them ? " " And who are they that rule them," asked 
Critobulus, "for they are nowhere to be seen?" 19. "By 
Jove," replied Socrates, " they are so far from being nowhere 
to be seen, that they may be seen everywhere ; and that they 
are most pernicious rulers, is well known to yourself, if you 
believe idleness, and effeminacy of mind, and carelessness, 
to be vices. 20. There are also certain deceitful mistresses 
that sway them, pretending to be goddesses of pleasure, such 
as gaming and frivolous social gratifications, which, in process 
of time, make it evident even to the victims of their decep- 
tions that they are but pains disguised in the garb of plea- 
sures ; and these, through their influence over their votaries. 
prevent them from applying to useful occupations." 21. "Yet 

§ 22. 23."] PLEASURE TO BE RESISTED. 77 

others, Socrates," said Critobulus, " are not hindered by such 
tyrants from exerting themselves, but apply with the utmost 
vigour to work, and to contrive means of increasing their in- 
comes ; and nevertheless they waste their property, and become 
involved in difficulties." 22. " So it is," said Socrates, " for 
these also are slaves, and slaves of extremely troublesome 
mistresses, some being devoted to the luxuries of the table, 
some to licentiousness, some to intoxication, some to foolish and 
expensive objects of ambition, which exercise such cruel sway 
over those whom they get under their power, that, as long as 
they see them in vigour and able to work, they compel them to 
bring whatever they gain to expend upon their desires ; but 
when they find them unable to work, through old age, they leave 
them to spend their declining days in misery, and endeavour to 
make slaves of others. 23. But we ought to fight for our 
liberty against such tyrants, Critobulus, not less strenuously 
than against those who endeavour to enslave us by arms. 
Enemies in war, who are honourable and generous, have 
obliged many nations, after they have subdued them, to im- 
prove in character under the influence of gentle correction, 
and have led them to pass the rest of their lives in greater 
comfort ; but" tyrannical passions never cease to harass the 
bodies and minds and estates of men, as long as ' they exer- 
cise any influence over them." 


Critobulus requesting to be taugbt by what means he may increase his pro- 
perty, which fortune had granted him in sufficient abundance, Socrates 
jocosely replies that he himself was rich, and Critobulus very poor, an as- 
sertion which he proceeds to prove. Being again asked to give some instruc- 
tion on the management of an estate, he says that he is inexperienced in 
such matters, but offers to refer Critobulus to certain persons who are 
skilled in them, 

1. After these observations of Socrates, Critobulus spoke 
to the following effect : " On such points I think that what I 

1 "Ear* av.~\ It signifies not only donee, ttsque dum, but also quamdiu. 
See Kiihner ad Mem. Soc. iii. 5, 6. See also Mem. Soc. i. 1. 18; Anab. 
iii. 1. 19 ; Cyrop. v. 4. 8 ; Rep. Lac. c. 5, sect. 3 ; de Re Equest. c. H 
»ec<. 9. Breitenbach. 

78 (ECONOMICUS. [CH. 2. 

have heard from you is extremely satisfactory ; but when I 
examine myself, I seem to feel convinced that I am sufficiently 
master over such inclinations ; so that if you would advise me 
by what course of conduct I may improve my domestic re- 
sources, I do not think that I should be impeded by the seduc- 
tions of those tyrannical mistresses, as you call them. Impart 
to me confidently, therefore, whatever good admonitions you 
have to give. Or do you accuse us, 1 my dear Socrates, of 
being wealthy enough ? and do we appear to you to have no 
Deed of additional riches ? " 

2. " If you speak of me as well as yourself, then," said 
Socrates, " I consider that I require no addition to my means, 
but am rich enough already ; you, however, Critobulus, ap- 
pear to me to be extremely poor, and, by Jupiter, I some- 
times feel very great pity for you." 3. " And how much," 
rejoined Critobulus with a laugh, " how much, in the name of 
the gods, my dear Socrates, do you think that your property 
would fetch if it were sold, and how much mine ?" "I think," 
replied Socrates, " that if I found a good purchaser, my whole 
property, with my house, would very readily bring me five 
minae ; 2 yours, I am very certain, would fetch a hundred times 
as much." 4. " Then, when you know this, do you think that 
you have no need of more money, and pity me as being poor ? " 
" Yes," said he, " for what I have is sufficient to supply me 
with all that I need ; but for th^* splendour with which you 
are surrounded, and to keep up your dignity, not even if thrice 
as much as what you have were bestowed upon you, would you 
appear to me to have enough." " How so ? " asked Crito- 
bulus. 5. " Because, in the first place," said Socrates, in ex ■ 
planation, " I see that a necessity is imposed on you of offer- 
ing many great sacrifices, or, I suppose, neither gods nor men 
would be satisfied with you ; in the next place, you must en- 
tertain many strangers, and entertain them magnificently ; and 
in addition, you have to give feasts, and make presents to your 
fellow-servants, or find yourself destitute of friends. 6. I 
observe also that the state requires of you to be at great ex- 

1 "H Kar'syvioKaQ fifiu>v.~\ Critobulus is speaking of himself only ; and 
the dignity which he seems to assume by using the plural we affords oc- 
casion to Socrates to lay hold of the question as applied to himself also, 
and to pursue the humorous discussion that follows. Breitenlach. 

2 About fifteen pounds of our money. 


penses in keeping horses, l in exhibiting theatrical entertain- 
ments, 2 in presiding over the gymnasia, 3 in discharging the 
duties of a patron ; and if a war should arise, I am quite sure 
that they will lay upon you, in your office of trierarch, 4 so 
much to pay for men to serve, and other contributions, that 
you will not easily meet the requirements ; and should you be 
thought to discharge any of your duties inefficiently, I am quite 
certain that the Athenians will punish you not less severely 
than if they found you robbing their treasury. 7. In addition 
to this, I see that you fancy yourself rich, and are but little 
disposed to use means for getting money ; and that you devote 
your attention to matters of amusement, 5 as having a right to 
do so. For these reasons I feel compassion for you, fearing 
that you may fall into some irremediable misfortunes, and be 
reduced to great poverty, s. As for myself, even if I were 
in want, you are aware, I am sure, that there are persons who 
would assist me ; so far that, even if each contributed but 
very little, they would drown my humble means in a flood of 
abundance ; but your friends, even though they have ampler 
means for supporting their condition than you have for sup- 
porting yours, nevertheless look to you as if to receive bene- 
fits from you." 

9. " Against these observations, my dear Socrates," said 
Critobulus, " I have nothing to say ; but it is now time for 
you to act the patron towards me, and prevent me from be- 
coming pitiable in reality." Socrates, on hearing this, said, 

1 It was customary at Athens for the richer sort of citizens to keep 
horses for chariot-races or for sacred processions. See Xen. Hipp. c. 1, 
sect. 11. The old man in the Clouds of Aristophanes laments that his 
property had been wasted in keeping horses. Bochius. 

2 These were also duties incumbent on the wealthier Athenians. 

3 IIpooTfmiac.] The metoecs, or sojourners, at Athens, were obliged 
to put themselves under the protection of some eminent man as a patron. 
See Pollux, viii. 35. 

4 Those were called trierarchs who were obliged to furnish galleys, 
equipped for service. 

5 We must understand chiefly res amatorice. Critobulus is described as 
puerorum amans (Mem. Soc. ii. 6. 29), and is introduced in the Symposium, 
c. 4, sect. 12, as captivated, though but recently married, with the attrac- 
tions of Clinias. As the Symposium of Callias took place probably about 
Olymp. xciii. 3, we may suppose that this dialogue between Socrates and 
Critobulus was held not very long after that date, though it may be infer- 
red from c. 3, sect. 13, that he had lived some years in the matrimonial 
state. Breitsnbach. 

80 (ECONOM1CUS. [CH. 2. 

" Do you not think, Critobulus, that you are acting very 
strangely, since, when I said a little while ago that I was rich, 
you laughed at me, as if I did not know what riches were, 
and did not cease till you had convinced me, and obliged me 
to acknowledge that I have not the hundredth part of what 
you have ; and now you desire me to be your patron, and take 
care that you may not be reduced to utter and undeniable 
poverty." 10. " It is because I see that you, Socrates, know 
one thing relating to riches, namely, how to keep a surplus ; 
and I expect, accordingly, that he who has something over 
out of a little will easily produce a large superabundance out 
of much." 11. " Do you not remember, then, that just now, 1 
in the course of our conversation, w^ien you would not allow 
me the liberty even of putting in a syllable, you said that 
horses were not goods to him who did not know how to use 
horses, nor land, nor cattle, nor money, nor anything else, 
that a person did not know how to use ? Profit, indeed, i9 
derived from such possessions ; but how do you think that I 
can know how to use any of those things of which I never 
owned even a single one ?" 12. "Yet it seemed to me that 
even if a person had no money, there might nevertheless be 
in him some knowledge of household management ; and what 
then hinders you from having such knowledge ?" "The very 
same thing, assuredly, that would hinder a man from knowing 
how to play on the flute, if he has never been in possession of 
any flutes of his own, and no other person has allowed him 
to learn by playing upon his. 13. Such is the case with me 
in respect to the management of household property ; for I 
have never been myself in possession of any property of my 
own, as a means of learning, nor has any other person ever 
offered me his to manage, except that you now express a 
desire to intrust me with yours. But consider that those who 
are learning to play on the harp spoil their harps at first ; 
and in like manner I, if I were to attempt to learn the man- 
agement of property by making experiments on yours, might 
perhaps bring all cjjSour. possessions to nothing." 

u. To this Critobulus replied, " You are strenuously en- 
deavouring to escape, Socrates, from giving me any assistance 
to sustain my necessary business with greater ease." " No, by 
Jupiter," rejoined Socrates, " not I ; for I will most willingly 

1 C. 1 sect. 8. 


communicate to you whatever I can. 15. But I think, at the 
same time, that if you had come to me for fire, and if, having 
none myself, 1 had directed you to a place where you would 
get it, you would not have blamed me. Or, if you asked 
water of me when I had none, and I directed you whither to go 
for it, I know that you would not have found fault with me for 
doing so. Or if you wished to learn music from me, and I 
mentioned to you persons who were far more skilful in music 
than myself, and would be thankful to you for taking lessons 
from them, what objection would you make to my acting in 
such a manner ? " "I should be able to make no reasonable 
objection," my dear Socrates. 16. " I shall therefore point out 
to you, Critobulus, other persons much better skilled than my- 
self in the matters which you are solicitous to learn from me; 
for I admit that it has been an object with me to discover 
which of the people in the city are the most skilful in their 
several pursuits; 17. since, observing that of those who were 
engaged in the same occupations, some were in the greatest 
poverty, and others extremely rich, I wondered, and thought it 
an inquiry worthy of consideration to discover what the cause 
was. 18. Examining into matters, accordingly, I found that 
affairs took a perfectly natural course; for I saw that those 
who did their business heedlessly suffered for their misconduct, 
while I learned that those who applied to their duties with 
steadiness and judgment, 1 despatched them with greater 
expedition, and ease, and profit. By learning, therefore, if you 
think proper, from such persons, I consider that, if the gods 
are not unfavourable to you, you may become a very able 
man of business." 

1 Tvtjfiy cvvTtTafievy.] Intento ammo. Some copies have (rwre- 

/$> §0& 

VOL. in. 

82 (ECONOMIC us. [ck. 5. 


Ciitobulus still urges Socrates to give him instruction how to improve his 
property ; and Socrates recommends him to study the conduct of those 
who have managed their business with judgment and to advantage. He 
reminds him how many have prospered, or come to poverty, by different 
courses of proceeding. He oners to introduce him to skilful professors of 
other arts besides that of agriculture. 

i. Critobulus, on hearing these observations, said, " Now, 
ny dear Socrates, I will never let you go until you have made 
Known to me what you have promised me in the presence of 
our friends here." 1 " What if I should show you, then, 
Critobulus, first of all," said Socrates, " that some people build 
useless houses at very great expense, and that others, at much 
less expense, construct houses having every convenience, shall 
I not be thought to have shown you one of the great concerns 
of household management ? " " Certainly," replied Critobulus. 
2. " And what if I should show you, after this, that which is 
naturally consequent upon it, that some people who possess 
abundance of household necessaries of all kinds have it not in 
their power to use them, nor even know whether they are in 
safety, and on tnis account suffer great annoyance themselves, 
and cause great annoyance to their servants, while others, who 
have not more furniture, but even far less, have whatever 
they want always ready for use." 3. "Is anything else, then, 
the cause of this, Socrates, than that with the one class of 
persons everything is thrown down as chance may direct, 
while with the others everything is kept arranged in its place? " 
" Such is the case assuredly," said Socrates, " and their things 
are arranged, not in a place chosen at hazard, but where pro- 
priety suggests." " You seem to speak of this also," said 
Critobulus, "as an element in the knowledge of household 
management." 4. " What, again, if I should show you," con- 
tinued Socrates, "that in some places all the slaves are tied up, 
so to speak, and yet frequently run away, while in other places 

1 Socrates was constantly attended by some of his friends, who wished 
to gather instruction from his discourse ; and we must not be surprised 
that they took no part in many of the dialogues at which they were pre- 
sent. Thus Xenophon, at the beginning of this book, and in several 
passages of the Memorabilia, signifies that he was present at conversations 
©f Socrates, but records no observations of his own. Weiske. 


they are left at liberty, and are willing alike to work and to 
stay with their masters, should I not be thought, in mentioning 
this, to bring to your notice something worthy of regard in 
household management ? " " Yes, by Jupiter," replied Crito- 
bulus, " something extremely worthy of regard." 5. " An« 
what if I show you that of those who cultivate similar land, 
some complain that they are utterly ruined and starved by 
their farming, while others have everything that they want in 
abundance and excellence ? " " Such is indeed the case," 
said Critobulus; "for perhaps the first sort of agriculturists 
spend their money not merely on objects that are necessary, 
but on such as bring destruction alike on the master and on 
his estate." 6. "Perchance there are some such," said Socrates; 
" but I do not now speak of them, but of persons who, profess- 
ing to practise agriculture, cannot command resources even 
for their necessary expenditure." "And what is the cause of 
this, Socrates ? " said Critobulus. " I will bring you among 
them," answered Socrates, " and you shall understand by see- 
ing for yourself." " Very well," replied Critobulus, " if, at 
least, I can." 

7. " It is therefore very proper," proceeded Socrates, " that 
you should examine yourself, to ascertain whether you will 
be able to understand. I have known you l rise very early in 
the morning, and go a very long way, to see actors in comedy, 
and I have heard you press me very strongly to go with you 
to the exhibition; but you never invited me to such a sight 
as that of which I am speaking." "Doubtless therefore, my 
dear Socrates, I appear ridiculous to you." 8. "But to yourgelf, 
by Jupiter, you ought to appear far more ridiculous. Sup- 
posing I show that some men, by keeping horses, have been 
reduced to the want even of necessaries, while others, by the 
same means, become very wealthy, and exult in their gains ? " 
"'I see such persons myself, and know men of both sorts, yet 
I am not at all the more in the number of those who get 
gain ? " 9. " No; for you look at them as you look at actors 
in tragedy and comedy, not, as I think, that you may become 
a poet, but that you may find pleasure from seeing and hearing. 
Perhaps this, indeed, is reasonable enough (for you have no 

1 Sot trvvoiSa.] The verb avvoida indicates that a person knows a thing for 
certain, and as an eye-witness. See Wolf ad Dem. Lept. c. 12. 

q 2 

84 (ECONOMICUS. [ch. 3. 

desire to be a poet) : but since you are obliged to use horses, do 
you not think that you act foolishly, if you do not study not 
to be quite ignorant of that occupation, especially when horses 
are both good to use and profitable to sell? " 10. "Do you 
wish me to become a colt-breaker, my dear Socrates ? " " By 
no means, any more than to bring up farm-labourers by buy- 
ing them when children. But there are certain ages, as well 
of horses as of men, which are immediately profitable, and 
advance in improvement. I can also show that some men 
have so managed their wives, as to find in them fellow-helpers 
in improving their fortunes, whilst others have dealt with 
them in such a way that they have in a great degree ruined 
them." 11. " But in these cases, my dear Socrates, ought we to 
blame the husband or the wife ? '' " If a sheep," replied 
Socrates, "is in ill condition, we generally blame the shepherd; 
if a horse is mischievous, we impute the fault to the groom; 
and as to a wife, if, after being taught what is right, she con- 
ducts herself badly, perhaps she ought justly to bear the blame; 
but if her husband does not teach her what is right and 
proper, but exacts service from her while she is ignorant of 
what she ought to do, would he not justly be visited with 
condemnation? 12. But by all means tell us the truth, Critobu- 
lus (for we are all friends who are here), is there any one tc 
whom you intrust a greater number of important affairs than 
to your wife ? " " There is no one," replied Critobulus. 
" And is there any one with whom you hold fewer discus- 
sions than with your wife?" "If there is any one, there 
are certainly not many." 1 13. " Did you marry her when 
she was quite young, or, at least, when she had seen and 
heard as little of things as was well possible?" "Certainly 
I did." " It would then be much more surprising, if she knew 
anything of what she ought to say or do, than if she fell into 
mistakes." 14. " But as to those who, you say, have had 
good wives, my dear Socrates, did they themselves instruct 
them ? " " There is nothing like looking at examples? 2 and 
I will make you friends with Aspasia, 3 who will give you in- 

1 Because his wife was already instructed in what she had to do ; so 
that there was no need of discussing points with her. 

2 'E7rierieo7m<70ai.] Exempla considerare. Socrates says this as pre- 
paratory to the introduction of Ischomachus. Breitenbach. 

3 There seems to be no particular reason for mentioning Aspasia here, 
u no lurther allusion is made to her. Bornemann, Weiske, and Reisig 


formation on this point more knowingly than I. 15. But I con- 
sider that a wife, who i&a good partner in household manage- 
ment, has equal influence with her husband for their common 
prosperity. Resources come into the house for the most part 
by the exertions of the husband, but the larger portion of 
them is expended under the management of the wife, and, if 
affairs be well ordered, the estate is improved; but if they are 
conducted badly, the property is diminished. 16. I think 
that I could also point out to you, if you think it requisite, 
persons skilled in other arts, who practise each of them with, 


Critobulus declines to learn more pursuits than one ; and Socrates approves 
of his resolution. Sedentary and indoor occupations debilitate the mind 
and body. Military or agricultural pursuits seem to be the only ones 
suited for Oitobulus ; Socrates supports them by the example of the 
king of Persia. An anecdote of Cyrus the Younger and Lysander. 

l. "But what occasion is there for you, my dear Socrates," 
asked Critobulus, " to call my attention to all kinds of arts ? 
for neither is it easy to procure persons who practise all sorts 
of arts competently, nor is it possible for any single individual 
to become skilled in all ; but in regard to those which are 
thought most honourable, and which would be most becoming 
to me if I practised them, give me some information concern- 
ing them and the persons who are engaged in them; and while 
you instruct me, assist me yourself, as far as you can, to 
understand." 2. " You say well, Critobulus," replied Socrates; 
" for those arts which are called handicrafts are objection 
able, 1 and are indeed justly held in little repute in communities; 
for they weaken the bodies of those who work at them or 
attend to them, by compelling them to sit and to live indoors; 
some of them, too, to pass whole days by the fire; and when 
the body becomes effeminate, the mind loses its strength. 

think that she is mentioned as an instructress ironically. See Weiske's 
note on Mem. Soc. ii. 6. 36. 2i/ot»7<7u> ooi 'Aoiratriav, says Breitenb&ch, 
is A$pasiam tibi conciliabo. 

1 'EirippijTot.] Spoken against ; objected to ; regarded with little 


3. Such mechanical occupations also, as they are termed, leave 
those who practise them no leisure to attend to the interests of 
their friends or the commonwealth; so that men of that class 
seem unsuited alike to be of advantage to their connexions, 
and to be defenders of their country. In some states, indeed, 
and especially in such as seem excellent in war, no citizen is 
allowed to engage in these handicraft employments." 

4. "In what sort of employments then, Socrates, would you 
recommend me to engage ? " asked Critobulus. " Ought we 
to be ashamed," replied Socrates, " to imitate the king of the 
Persians ? For they say that he considers the art of agricul- 
ture, and that of war, to be among the most honourable and 
necessary occupations, and pays the greatest attention to both 
of them." 5. Critobulus, on hearing this, said, " Do you then, 
my dear Socrates, believe that the king of the Persians unites 
the pursuit of husbandry with the other objects of his care ?" 
"If we consider the matter, Critobulus, in the following 
manner, we may perhaps satisfy ourselves whether he gives 
it any portion of his attention. We are all aware that he at- 
tends diligently to military affairs, because, from whatever 
nations he receives tribute, he has appointed to the governors 
of them respectively for how many horsemen, and bowmen, 
and slingers, and targeteers each must furnish maintenance, a 
number that may be sufficient to keep the people under his 
command in awe, and serve as defenders to the country if 
enemies invade it. 6. In addition to these troops, the king 
maintains garrisons in the several fortresses; and the govern- 
or, to whom the commission is given, furnishes pay for these 
garrisons ; while the king holds a review every year of the 
mercenaries and other forces that are required to appear in 
arms, collecting them all together, except the troops in garri- 
son, in the place where they are ordered to assemble, when he 
himself inspects those that are near his own residence, and sends 
trustworthy officers to view such as are at a distance. 7. And 
whatever commanders of garrisons, captains of thousands, and 
satraps, 1 are found to have the required complement of troops, 
and exhibit them equipped with proper horses and arms, he 
distinguishes such governors with honours, and enriches them 

1 The difference between these three kind of officers may be understood 
by a reference to Cyrop. viii. 6. I and 3. Schneider. The commandeis 
of garu8ons and captains of thousands were subject to the satraps 


with valuable presents; but such of the governors as he finds 
either neglecting the garrisons, or guilty of peculation, he 
punishes with great severity, degrading them from their posts, 
and putting other officers in their places. To military affairs, 
therefore, as he pursues such a course of conduct, we must 
unquestionably allow that he pays great attention. 8. But, 
besides, whatever part of his dominions he rides through and 
surveys in person, he observes the condition of it; and what- 
ever part he does not inspect in person, he ascertains the state 
of it by sending thither trustworthy commissioners ; and to 
such of the satraps as he finds exhibit their provinces well 
inhabited, with the soil well cultivated, and stocked with trees 
and fruits such as the ground is fitted to produce, he gives 
additional territory, graces them with presents, and distinguish- 
es them with seats of honour ; but such as he finds to have 
their provinces ill cultivated, or thinly inhabited, whether 
through their harsh treatment of the people, or through ty- 
ranny or neglect, he punishes and deprives of their commands, 
and appoints others in their room. 9. Acting thus, does he 
seem to have less care that his land may be well cultivated 
by the inhabitants, than that it may be well defended by his 
garrisons ? There are indeed officers appointed by him for 
both purposes; but not the same; for some overlook the in- 
habitants and tillers of the ground, and collect tribute from 
them, and others have charge of the armed forces. io. And 
if the overseer of the forces does not sufficiently protect the 
provinces, the overseer of the inhabitants and tillers of the 
ground brings an accusation against him, representing that the 
people cannot cultivate the land for want of proper protection ; 
but if, while the overseer of the forces secures peace to the 
cultivators, the other overseer occasions the provinces to be 
thin of people and ill cultivated, the overseer of the forces, 
on his part, lays an accusation against him. n. For those 
who cultivate the ground inefficiently will neither maintain 
the garrisons, nor be able to pay their tribute. But when a 
satrap is appointed, he attends to both these objects." l 

1 To the payment of troops in the garrisons and the payment of tribute 
to the king. " We see," says Breitenbach, '* that the satrap, as described 
here, differs somewhat from the satrap whose duties are specified, Cyrop. 
viii. 6. 1 ; and that there was in every province an dpx u,v ° r governor • 
general, but not \n every province a satrap," 

88 (ECONOMICUS. [CH. 4. 

12. " If the king, then," rejoined Critobulus, " acts in this 
manner, Socrates, he appears to me to pay no less attention to 
agricultural than to warlike pursuits." 13. " But in addition 
to all this," continued Socrates, "in whatever provinces he re- 
sides, and wheresoever he travels, he takes care that there 
may be gardens, such as are called paradeisoi, 1 stocked 
with everything good and valuable that the soil will produce ; 
and in these gardens he himself spends the greatest part of 
his time, whenever the season of the year does not prevent 
him." 14. " Assuredly, then, Socrates," observed Critobulus, 
" the people must of necessity take care that, where the king 
himself resides, the gardens be excellently stored with trees 
and all other choice productions that the earth affords." 
15. "Some relate, too, Critobulus," added Socrates, "that 
when the king distributes rewards, he calls forward first those 
who have distinguished themselves in war, (because it would 
be of no use to till a great quantity of ground, unless there 
were soldiers to defend it,) and afterwards those who have 
kept their lands in the best order, and rendered them most 
productive, observing that even brave men would not be able 
to live, unless there were tillers of the ground. 16. It is said 
also that Cyrus, 2 who was a most illustrious prince, remarked 
on one occasion to those who were called to receive rewards, 
that he himself might justly receive both sorts of presents; 
for he excelled, he said, both in regulating his province, and 
in defending it when it was regulated." 17. " Cyrus, therefore, 
Socrates," said Critobulus, " if he made this observation, 
prided himself not less on rendering his province fertile, and in 
keeping it in order, than on his ability in war." 18. "It 
seems likely indeed," said Socrates, " that if Cyrus had lived, 
he would have proved a very excellent king ; and of this pro- 
bability the following indication, as well as many others, has 
been afforded, that when he set out to contend with his brother 
for the kingdom, not a single soldier, as is said, deserted from 
Cyrus to the king, while many myriads deserted from the 

1 The young student may be told that irapaSetGog is not a Greek word, 
as Suidas supposes, who derives it from the verb devav, but is of Persian 
origin, as is rightly intimated by Pollux, ix. 13. Concerning the nature 
of these irapadenroi, or parks, the reader may consult A. Gell. ii. 20 ; Plin. 
H. N. viii. 25 ; Q. Curt. viii. 1 — 11. Reisig. 

2 Cyrus the Younger. He is called (3am\svg in the text, as being, saya 
Weiske, the aon of a king, and enjoying royal honours in his province. 

§ 19 — 24.] LYSANDER AND CYRUS. 89 

king to Cyrus. 19. I regard it indeed as a great proof of 
merit in a general when men follow him willingly, and are 
ready to stand by him in danger ; and around Cyrus, as long 
as he was alive, his friends continued to fight, and were all 
killed with him when he died, contending over his body, ex- 
cept Ariaeus, who happened to be posted in the left wing. 
20. It is this Cyrus that is said to have paid Lysander, when 
he came with presents to him from the allies, many marks of 
civility (as Lysander himself once stated in conversation with 
a friend of his at Megara), and to have shown him (as Lysan- 
der related) his park at Sardis. 21. When Lysander expressed 
his admiration of it, observing how fine the trees were, how 
regularly they were planted, how straight the rows of them 
were, and how elegantly all the rows formed angles with one 
another, while many sweet odours attended on Lysander and 
Cyrus as they walked about ; — admiring all this, lie said, 'I 
look with astonishment on all these trees on account of their 
beauty, but am still more astonished at the art of him who 
measured out the ground, and arranged them all for you.' 
22. Cyrus, on hearing this, was delighted, and said, 'It was I, let 
me say, Lysander, that measured the ground and arranged all 
the trees myself; and there are some of them,' he added, 
'that I planted with my own hand.' 23. Lysander, as he 
told us, looked at Cyrus, and contemplating the beauty of the 
robes which he had on, and perceiving the perfume that issued 
from them, and the splendour of the necklaces, bracelets, and 
other ornaments which he wore, said, ' What is it that you 
tell me, Cyrus ? Did you, with your own hands, plant any of 
these trees ? ' 24. ' Do you wonder at this, Lysander ? * 
replied Cyrus ; ' I swear to you by Mithras, that, whenever 
I am in health, I never dine till I have put myself into a per- 
spiration by pursuing some military or agricultural occupation, 
or by contending for superiority in some exercise of a similar 
nature.' ' I, indeed, added Lysander, when I heard him say 
this, took him by the hand, and said, ' You appear to me, 
Cyrus, to be deservedly fortunate ; for you have your good 
fortune from being a man of merit.' 

1 I read rotovrw yk rt, with Breitecbach. Dindorf s text, and most 
others, have ael ovv y* re. 

90 <ECONOMICU8. f CH* 5. 


Socrates continues to discourse of agriculture, and shows that the wealthiest 
and noblest of men have given their attention to it, as it strengthens the 
mind and body, improves the estate, and conduces to a virtuous course of 
life. Critobulus makes some observations on the casualties to which 
agricultural occupations are exposed ; Socrates recommends, in reply, that 
the gods should be carefully worshipped and propitiated. 

1. " This anecdote I relate to you, Critobulus," continued 
Socrates, " to show that not even men of the most exalted 
fortune are contented to abstain from agriculture ; for the 
pursuit of it seems to be at once a means of enjoyment and of 
increasing their resources ; and it is also an exercise for the 
body, such as to strengthen it for discharging the duties 
that become a man of honourable birth. ?.. In the first place, 
ihe earth yields the food on which men live to those who cul- 
tivate it, and produces in addition things from which they 
receive gratification, 3. Besides these, it supplies the flowers 
which decorate altars and statues, and with which men adorn 
themselves, accompanied with the most pleasing odours and 
appearances; sauces and animal food, 1 too, it partly produces 
and partly nourishes, in great abundance (for the art of 
managing cattle is connected with farming) ; so that men have" 
enough to propitiate the gods by sacrificing, and to use them- 
selves. 4. Yet, though it offers blessings in the greatest plenty, 
it doe3 not permit us to take them in idleness, but requires us 
to accustom ourselves to endure the colds of winter and the 
heats of summer ; to those whom it exercises in manual labour, 
it gives an increase of strength; and in such as only oversee 
the cultivation of it, 2 it produces a manly vigour, by requiring 
them to rise early in the morning, and forcing them to move 
about with activity ; for in the country, as well as in the city, 
the most important matters are always done at a stated sea- 

1 "0\f/a.l Under this term was included whatever was eaten with bread, 
whether flesh, fish, or herbs. 

a Tovs ^« Ty tTrintXsiq. yeu)pyovvTcig.'] By these words we are to un- 
derstand those who superintend their work as done by slaves or other labour- 
erf, in opposition to aurovpyoi, " workers with their own hands." Weisfo 


son. 1 5. Again, if a man wishes to serve his country 2 as a 
horse-soldier, farming offers the greatest convenience for 
keeping a horse, or if as a foot-soldier, it keeps the body ro- 
bust ; and it also affords some incitement to exertion in hunt- 
ing over the land, 3 supplying facilities for the keeping of dogs, 
and supporting beasts of game,. 6. The horses and dogs, more- 
over, which are kept by farming, benefit the farm in return ; 
the horse, by carrying his master early in the morning to the 
scene of his labours, and furnishing him the means of return- 
ing late ; the dogs, by preventing the wild beasts from de- 
stroying the fruits of the earth and the cattle, and by affording 
security even in the most solitary places. 

7. " The possession of land also stimulates agriculturists, in 
some degree, to defend their country in arms, as the ground 
produces its fruits exposed to all, 4 for the strongest to take 
possession of them. 8. What occupation, too, renders men 
more fit for running, and throwing, and leaping, than agricul- 
ture ? What employment offers men greater gratification for 
their labour ? What art welcomes the student of it with 
greater pleasure, offering him that approaches, indeed, the 
means of gaining whatever he desires ? What occupation re* 
ceives strangers with richer hospitality ? 9. Where is there 
greater facility for passing the winter amid plenty of fires, 
and warm baths, than on the farm ? Or where can we spend 
the summer more agreeably, by streams, amid breezes, and 
under shade, than in the fields ? io. What other occupation 
offers more pleasing first-fruits to the gods, or richer banquets 
on festival days ? What pursuit is more comfortable for a 
man's servants, more delightful to his wife, more attractive to 
his children, or more gratifying to his friends ? n. I should 

1 'EiriKaipuvTarai 7rpa£ei£.] Weiske understands res maxime oppor- 
tune or utiles ; Schneider, res preecipuce. These are to be done iv iop<} t 
ttato, certo, opportunissimo tempore. 

2 'Apriytiv r$ 7r6Xa.] As was the duty of the Athenian citizen, 
whether he chose to enrol himself in the cavalry or the infantry. 

3 Breitenbach reads, with Schneider and Weiske, Sfipaig r* lTri$i\oiro~ 
viiaSai ovveiraipti ti t) yij, " the land affords some incitement for exertion 
in hunting." Dindorf, whom I follow, has <j>i\oTroveioSai — ry yy, yftop- 
yia being the nom. case to oweiraipti. 

4 'Ev fikoi».~\ In medio, i. e. lying open and exposed to invaders. Com* 
pare Aristotle, Pol. c. 2 : Mdvwv yap tovtwp to, KTrmara t£w Tiav tpvua* 
rwv ivriv. Breijenbach. 

92 (ECONOMICUS. [CH. 3. 

be surprised, for my own part, if any man of liberal feelings 
has met with any possession more pleasing than a farm, or 
discovered any pursuit more attractive, or more conducive to 
the means of life, than agriculture. 

12. "The earth also kindly teaches men justice, at least 
such as are able to learn ; for it is those who treat her best 
that she recompenses with the most numerous benefits. 

13. " If on any occasion, moreover, those who are employed 
in agriculture are forced to quit their occupations by a multi- 
tude of invading enemies, yet, as they have been bred to 
vigorous and manly exertion, and are well exercised in mind 
and body, they may, if the gods are not unfavourable, make 
incursions into the lands of those who impede their occupations, 
and carry off booty on which they may support themselves. 
Frequently, indeed, in war, it is safer to seek a livelihood 
with hostile weapons than with instruments of agriculture. 

14. "The cultivation of the ground, too, instructs men 
to assist one another ; for as we must make attacks on 
enemies with the aid of men, so it is with aid of men that 
agriculture must be conducted. 15. He, therefore, that would till 
his ground properly must provide himself with labourers both 
ready to work and willing to obey him ; and he that leads an 
army against an enemy must take similar precautions, reward- 
ing those who act as good soldiers ought to act, and punishing 
those who are neglectful of discipline. 16. A husbandman must 
encourage his workmen as frequently as a general exhorts his 
soldiers ; and slaves require favourable prospects to be held 
out to them not less than free-men, and indeed even more, 
that they may be willing to stay with their masters. 17. He also 
said well, who pronounced agriculture to be the mother and 
nurse of other arts ; for when agriculture flourishes, all other 
pursuits are in full vigour ; but when the ground is forced to 
lie barren, other occupations are almost stopped, as well by 
land as by sea." 

18. When Critobulus had heard these remarks to an end, 
he said, " You seem to me, my dear Socrates, to say all this 
with great reason ; but you have not observed that there are 
connected with agriculture many things which it is impossible 
for man to foresee ; for sometimes hail, frost, drought, violent 
rains, mildew, and often indeed other causes, deprive us of 
the fruit of what has been excellently contrived and arranged ; 


and sometimes disease comes to carry off, in the most pitiable 
manner, cattle that have been bred with the utmost care." 
19. Socrates, listening to this, said, "I thought that you were 
aware, Critobulus, that the gods are disposers of affairs in 
agriculture not less than of those in war ; and you see, I sup- 
pose, that those who are engaged in the field of battle pro- 
pitiate the gods before they come to an engagement, and con- 
sult them, with the aid of sacrifices and auguries, to learn 
what they ought or ought not to do. 20. And do you think 
that there is less necessity to seek the favour of the gods with 
regard to the proceedings of agriculture ? For be assured," 
added he, " that wise men worship the gods with a view to 
the preservation of their fruits, as well suceulent as dry, 1 and 
of their oxen, horses, sheep, and all their other possessions." 


Critobulus admits that the gods ought to be propitiated. Socrates recapitu- 
lates what he had said of the excellences of agriculture. Critobulus in- 
quires how it is that some persons are enriched, and others ruined, by agri- 
cultural occupations ; Socrates replies, that the best way to satisfy him on 
this point will be to introduce him to Ischomachus, an excellent husband- 
man, and a man of strict integrity and honour. 

l. " This also you appear to say with great reason, my dear 
Socrates," said Critobulus, "desiring us to commence every 
work with the gods in our favour, as the gods are the direct- 
ors of affairs of peace, no less than of those of war. In such 
a way, accordingly, we will make it our care to act. But do 
you, returning to the point at which you ceased to speak 
of the management of a house, proceed to bring to a conclu- 
sion that which follows upon what you said ; as I seem to 
myself, since I heard your observations on the subject, to see 
somewhat better than before what I must do to increase 
my means of living." 2. " What if we should first go back, 
then," said Socrates, " to those particulars on which we agreed 
as we went over them, that we may proceed also, if we find 
it at all possible, to go through the remaining points so as to 
agree upon them ? " 3. " Very well," said Critobulus ; " for 
1 Grapes and olives ; wheat and other grain. 


as it is gratifying to persons who have pecuniary accounts 
between them to reach the conc'usion of them without dis- 
agreement, so it will be pleasant for us, who are pursuing 
a chain of reasoning between us, to go through the various 
points on which we speak with unanimity." 

4. " The management of a house or estate, then," proceeded 
Socrates, " was decided between us to be the name of an art 
or science.. This art or science was defined to be that by 
which men may increase, their houses or estates ; and a man's 
house or estate was defined to be the same as his whole 
possessions or goods. A man's goods we agreed to be what- 
ever is profitable for his well-being ; and profitable things 
were defined to be all things that a person knows how to use. 
5. We agreed that it was impossible to learn all arts, and 
determined to exclude from our favour, in common with com- 
munities in general, those employments which are termed 
handicrafts, as they appear to diminish bodily strength, and 
cramp the powers of the mind. 6. We considered that the 
plainest proof of this would be, if, when enemies invade a 
country, we should divide the husbandmen and artisans into 
two bodies, and ask each of them separately whether they 
would be inclined to guard the open country, or to retreat 
from the fields to defend the fortresses, i. For under such 
circumstances we thought that those who were employed 
about the land would give their voice for defending it, while 
the artisans would vote for not fighting, but for sitting still, 
as they had been brought up without either working hard or 
running into danger. 8. We were of opinion, too, that agri- 
culture, for an honourable and high-minded man, is the best of 
all the occupations and arts by which men procure the means 
of living. 9. For it is a pursuit that appeared to us most 
easy to learn, and most pleasant to practise ; it seemed to us 
to put the bodies of men in the fairest and most vigorous con 
dition, and to be far from giving such constant occupation to 
their minds as to prevent them from attending to the interests 
of tbeir friends or their country. 10. Agriculture also was 
thought by us to afford some incitement to those who pursue 
it to become courageous, as it produces and sustains what 
is necessary for human life without the walls of fortresses. 1 

1 See note on c. 5, sec*. 7 

$ 11 — 16.] THE KALOIKAGATHOI. 95 

For these reasons, moreover, this mode of life appeared to us 
to be the most honourable in the estimation of governments in 
general, as well as because it seems to render the citizens most 
virtuous and best affected towards the commonwealth." 

li. "That it is extremely honourable, and becoming, and 
pleasant, indeed, Socrates," said Critobulus, " to derive the 
means of life from agriculture, I think that I am quite suffi- 
ciently convinced ; but as to what you said a while ago, that 
you understood the reasons why some men manage their land 
in such a way as to have abundance of whatever they need 
from the culture of it, and why others labour on it in so differ- 
ent a manner that the cultivation of it is profitless to them, I 
should like to hear from you the causes of both results, that I 
may pursue what is beneficial, and avoid what is detrimental." 
12. "What then if I should relate to you at length, 1 Crito- 
bulus," said Socrates, " a conversation which I formerly held 
with a man who appeared to me to be really one of those 
to whom the epithets of fair and good 2 are justly applied ? n 
" I should be extremely pleased," said Critobulus, " to hear 
that conversation, as I myself desire also to become deserving 
of those epithets." 13. " I will tell you, then," said Socrates, 
" how I came to visit the man ; 3 for a very short time was 
amply sufficient for me to go round among good carpenters, 
good workers in brass, good painters and statuaries, and other 
persons of that kind, and to view such works of theirs as were 
esteemed beautiful. 14. But in order to learn the characters 
of those who love the honourable distinction of being fair and 
good, and to ascertain by what course of conduct they de- 
served to be called so, I felt an extraordinary desire to con- 
verse with one of them. 15. And, in the first place, as the 
epithet fair was added to that of good, I accosted whomsoever 
I observed to be of a handsome person, and endeavoured to 
satisfy myself whether I could anywhere find goodness added 
to beauty. 16. But such was not always the case ; for I felt 
myself convinced that some of those who were beautiful in 
form were altogether depraved in mind. I determined there- 

1 'EZapxng, from the beginning. 2 Ka\6g rt KayaQoc. 

• Etc rr\v OKttyiv avrov.'] Ad invisendum hominem ilium. Dindorf. 

4 Breitenbach reads, ikclvoq 'ncavvQ 7rspu\9eiv re ical, &c.,from a happy 
conjecture of Rost. The old reading was i<cavu>Q (without iKavoo), which 
Schneider altered into Ixavog. 

96 CEC0N031ICUS. £ch. ?' 

fore on giving up all regard to mere beauty of person, and 
visiting one of those who were called both fair and good. 17. 
As I heard, accordingly, that Ischomachus was called fair and 
good by everybody, both men and women, foreigners and 
natives of the country, I resolved to make it my business 
to have some conversation with him. 


Socrates relates how he first met with Ischomachus ; how he asked him why 
4 he was called thej'ai?' and good ; and how he learned from him the nature 
of his occupations and mode of life, and the character of his wife. Dialogue 
of Ischomachus with his wife, in which all the domestic duties of husband 
and wife are specified. Honours attendant on a wife who discharges her 
duties with efficiency and conscientiousness. 

I. " Observing him therefore sitting one day in the portico 
of the temple of Jupiter Eleutherius, I went towards him, and 
as he seemed to me to be at leisure, sat down near him, 
and said, * Why are you, Ischomachus, who are not accustomed 
to be idle, sitting thus ? for in general I see you either doing 
something, or certainly not altogether wasting your time, in 
the market-place. , 2. ' Nor would you now see me quite un- 
occupied, Socrates,' said Ischomachus, ' if I had not made an 
appointment to wait here for some strangers.' ' But when 
you have no such engagements,' said I, ' where, in the name 
of heaven, do you spend your time, and how do you employ 
yourself ? for I have the strongest desire to learn from you 
what it is you do that you are called fair and good ; since you 
certainly do not pass your life indoors, nor does your com- 
plexion look like that of a man who does so.' 3. Ischomachus, 
smiling at my inquiry, what do you do to be called fair and 
good, and being pleased at it, as it seemed to me, replied, 
' Whether people, when they talk together about me, give me 
that appellation, I do not know ; but certainly when they call 
upon me as to the antidosis 1 of the duties of a trierarch or 

1 There was a law at Athens that if any person were called on to take 
the duty of trierarch, or any other public office, and could point out any 
person richer tb/in himself, who ought to have been called upon instead 

§ 4 — 3. j how iscriOMAcnus instructs his wife. 97 

choragus, no one summons me by the name of fair and good, 
but they designate me plainly as Ischomachus, distinguishing 
me by the name of my father ; and as to what you asked me 
besides, Socrates, I assuredly do not spend my life indoors ; 
for,' added he, 'my wife is quite capable herself of managing 
what is to be done in my house.' 4. ' But,' said I, ' Ischoma- 
chus, ' I would very gladly be permitted to ask you whether 
you instructed your wife yourself, so that she might be quali- 
fied as she ought to be, or whether, when you received her 
from her father and mother, she was possessed of sufficient 
knowledge to manage what belongs to her.' 5. * And how, 
my dear Socrates,' said he, 'could she have had sufficient 
knowledge when I took her, since she came to my house when 
she was not fifteen years old, 1 and had spent the preceding 
part of her life under the strictest restraint, in order that she 
might see as little, hear as little, and ask as few questions as 
possible ? 2 6. Does it not appear to you to be quite sufficient, 
if she did but know, when she came, how to take wool and 
make a garment, and had seen how to apportion the tasks of 
spinning among the maid-servants ? for as to what concerns 
the appetite, 3 Socrates,' added he, ' which seems to me a most 
important part of instruction both for a man and for a woman, 
she came to me extremely well instructed.' 7. ' But as to 
other things, Ischomachus,' said I, ' did you yourself instruct 
your wife, so that she should be qualified to attend to the 
affairs belonging to her ? ' ' Not, indeed,' replied Ischomachus, 
' until I had offered sacrifice, and prayed that it might be my 
fortune to teach, and hers to learn, what would be best for 
both of us.' 8. 'Did your wife, then,' said I, 'join with you 
in offering sacrifice, and in praying for these blessings ? ' 
' Certainly,' answered Ischomachus, ' and she made many 

of him, he might summon that citizen either to take the office or tc 
exchange properties with himself. This was called avridoffig, See De~ 
mosth. c. Mid. c. 17. Wolff, Proleg. ad Lept. p. 123. 

1 Such seems to have been the custom at Athens, though Aristotle 
Polit. vii. 16, says that girls could not properly marry before they were 
eighteen. Schneider. See Becker's Charicles, vol. ii. p. 449. 

2 Concerning the way in which the Athenian girls passed their time 
before marriage, see Becker's Charicles, vol. ii. p. 422, 475. Breitenbach. 
Also Xen. Rep. Lac. c. 1, sect. 3. 

3 Td di^pi yaorspa.] These words significantly express the chief vir- 
tue of a wife. Breitenbach. " La sobriete." Gail. Temperance in 
eating and drinking. Com£. sect. 14. Weiske. 


9^ <EC0N03IICUS. [cn. 7 

vows to the gods that she would be such as she ought to 
be, and shewed plainly that she was not likely to disregard 
what was taught her.' 9. ' In the name of the gods, Ischo- 
machus, tell me,' said I, ' what you began to teach her first ; 
for I shall have more pleasure in hearing you give this 
account, than if you were to give me a description of the 
finest gymnastic or equestrian games.' io. ' Well, then, So- 
crates,' returned Ischomachus, 'when she grew familiarized 
and domesticated with me, so that we conversed freely to- 
gether, I began to question her in some such way as this : 
" Tell me, my dear wife, have you ever considered with what 
view I married you, and with what object your parents gave 
you to me ? n. For that there was no want of other persons 
with whom we might have shared our respective beds l must, 
I am sure, be evident to you as well as to me. But when I 
considered for myself, and your parents for you, whom we 
might select as the best partner for a house and children, 
I preferred you, and your parents, as it appears, preferred me, 
out of those who were possible objects of choice. 12. If, then, 
the go-ds should ever grant children to be born to us, we shall 
then consult together, with regard to them, how we may 
bring them up as well as possible ; for it will be a common 
advantage to both of us to find them of the utmost service as 
supporters and maintainers of our old age. 13. At present, 
however, this 1.1 our common household ; for I deposit all that 
I have as in common between us, and you put everything 
that you have brought into our common stock. Nor is it ne- 
cessary to consider which of the two has contributed the 
greater share ; but we ought to feel assured that whichsoever 
of us is the better manager of our common fortune will give 
the more valuable service." 14. To these remarks, Socrates, 
my wife replied, " In what respect could I cooperate with 
you ? What power have I ? Everything lies with you. My 
duty, my mother told me, was to conduct myself discreetly." 
15. " Yes, by Jupiter, my dear wife," replied I, "and my father 
told me the same. But it is the part of discreet people, aa, 
well husbands as wives, to act in such a manner that their 

1 'EfcaG ev dofiev av.] We must consider the verb, says Breitenbach, to 
tefer, not to Ischomachus merely, as speaking of himself in the plural, 
fcut to both him and his wife; and they were brought together, Ischoma 
chus intimates, for mutual aid. 

§ 16 — 23.] DUTIES OF MEN AND WOMEN. 99 

property may be in the best possible condition, and that as 
large additions as possible may be made to it by honourable 
and just means." 16. "And, what do you see," said my wife, 
" that I can do to assist in increasing our property ? " " En- 
deavour by all means," answered I, " to do in the best possible 
manner those duties which the gods have qualified you to do, 
and which custom 1 approves." 17. "And what are they?" 
asked she. " I consider," replied I, " that they are duties of no 
small importance, unless indeed the queen bee in a hive is ap- 
pointed for purposes of small importance. 18. For to me,"' 
continued he, ' " the gods, my dear wife," said I, " seem certainly 
to have united that pair of beings, which is called male and 
female, with the greatest judgment, that they may be in the 
highest degree serviceable to each other in their connexion. 
19. In the first place, the pair are brought together to produce 
offspring, that the races of animals may not become extinct ; 
and to human beings, at least, it is granted to have supporters 
for their old age from this union. 20. For human beings, also, 
their mode of life is not, like that of cattle, in the open air ; 
but they have need, we see, of houses. It is accordingly ne- 
cessary for those who would have something to bring into 
their houses to have people to perform the requisite employ- 
ments in the open air ; for tilling, and sowing, and planting, 
and pasturage are all employments for the open air ; and 
from these employments the necessaries of life are procured. 21 
But when these necessaries have been brought into the house, 
there is need of some one to take care of them, and to do 
whatever duties require to be done under shelter. The rear- 
ing of young children also demands shelter, as well as the 
preparation of food from the fruits of the earth, and the mak- 
ing of clothes from wool. 22. And as both these sorts of 
employments, alike those without doors and those within, re- 
quire labour and care, the gods, as it seems to me," said I, 
"have plainly adapted the nature of the woman for works 
and duties within doors, and that of the man for works and 
duties without doors. 23. For the divinity has fitted the body 
and mind of the man to be better able to bear cold, and heat, 
and travelling, and military exercises, so that he has imposed 

1 Nojxoc.] Lex. Dindorf. But Sturz, in his Lexicon, vol. iii. p. 209 
gives it the sense of mos, consuetudo, which seems to be more suitable to 
the passage. See sect. 30. 

h 2 


upon him the work without doors ; and by having formed the 
body of the woman to be less able to bear such exertions, he 
appears to me to have laid upon her," said I, " the duties within 
doors. 24. But knowing that he had given the woman by 
nature, and laid upon her, the office of rearing young children, 
he has also bestowed upon her a greater portion of love for 
her newly-born offspring than on the man. 25. Since, too, the 
divinity has laid upon the woman the duty of guarding what is 
brought into the house, he, knowing that the mind, by being 
timid, is not less adapted for guarding, has given a larger 
share of timidity to the woman than to the man ; and know- 
ing also that if any one injures him who is engaged in the oc- 
cupations without, he must defend himself, he has on that ac- 
count given a greater portion of boldness to the man. 1 26. But 
as it is necessary for both alike to give and to receive, he has 
bestowed memory and the power of attention upon both impar- 
tially, so that you cannot distinguish whether the female or 
the male has the larger portion of them. 27. The power of 
being temperate 2 also in what is necessary he has conferred 
in equal measure upon both, and has allowed that whichsoever 
of the two is superior in this virtue, whether the man or the 
woman, shall receive a greater portion of the benefit arising 
from it. 28. But as the nature of both is not fully adapted 
for all these requirements, they in consequence stand in 
greater need of aid from one another, and the pair are of 
greater service to each other, when the one is able to do those 
things in which the other is deficient. 29. As we know, then, 
my dear wife," continued I, " what is appointed to each of us 
by Providence, it is incumbent on us to discharge as well 
as we can that which each of us has to do. 

30. ' " The law, 3 too," I told her,' he proceeded, ' "gives its ap- 
probation to these arrangements, by uniting the man and the 
woman ; and as the divinity has made them partners, as it 
were, in their offspring, so the law ordains them to be sharers 
in household affairs. The law also shows that those things 

1 To }i\v yap icrxvpoTtpov, to S' daOevearepov i,Ttoir)(siv % 'Lva to fiev 
<pv\a.KTiKo>T£oov y Sid tov (poftov, k. t. A. Aristot. CEcon. c 3. 

2 Temperance in eating and drinking I consider to be cliefly meant. 

3 N6/*o£.] Whether this should De rendered "law" or f custom" ii 
ftot very clear. Gail renders it "loi." Comp. sect. 16. 

§ 31 — 36.] DUTIES OF THE WOMAN. 101 

are more becoming to each which the divinity has qualified 
each to do with greater facility; for it is more becoming for 
the woman to stay within doors than to roam abroad, but to 
the man it is less creditable to remain at home than to attend 
to things out of doors. 31. And if any one acts contrary to 
what the divinity has fitted him to do, he will, while he 
violates the order of things, possibly not escape the notice of 
the gods, and will pay the penalty whether of neglecting his own 
duties or of interfering with those of his wife. 32. The 
queen of the bees," I added, " appears to me to discharge such 
duties as are appointed her by the divinity." " And what 
duties," inquired my wife, "has the queen bee to perform, 
that she should be made an example for the business which I 
have to do ? " 33. " She, remaining within the hive," answered 
I, " does not allow the bees to be idle, but sends out to their 
duty those who ought to work abroad; and whatever each of 
them brings in. she takes cognizance of it and receives it, and 
watches over the store until there is occasion to use it ; and 
when the time for using it is come, .she dispenses to each bee its 
just due. 34. She also presides over the construction of the 
cells within, that they may be formed beautifully and expe- 
ditiously. She attends, too, to the rising progeny, that they 
may be properly reared ; and when the young bees are grown 
up, and are fit for work, she sends out a colony of them under 
some leader taken from among the younger bees." 1 35. "Will 
it then be necessary for me," said my wife, " to do such 
things?" "It will certainly be necessary for you," said I, 
" to remain at home, and to send out such of the labourers as 
have to work abroad, to their duties ; and over such as have 
business to do in the house you must exercise a watchful 
superintendence. 36. Whatever is brought into the house, 
you must take charge of it ; w T h ate ver portion of it is required 
for use you must give out; and whatever should be laid by, 
you must take account of it and keep it safe, so that the pro- 
vision stored up for a year, for example, may not be expended 
in a month. Whenever wool is brought home to you, you 
must take care that garments be mads for those who want 
them. You must also be careful that the dried provisions 

1 "2vv to)v iirtyovwv Tiri r/y€/*6vi.] Breitenbach reads, with some of 
the old editions, rrvv tujv tVo/jsvwv, k. t. A., i. e. he says, " under some 
leader chosen from among those immediately attendant ur^on her." 

102 tECONOMICUS. [CH. 7. 

may be in a proper condition for eating. 37. One of your 
duties, however," I added, "will perhaps appear somewhat 
disagreeable, namely, that whoever of all the servants may 
fall sick, you must take charge of him, that he may be re- 
covered." 38. " Nay, assuredly," returned my wife, " that will 
be a most agreeable office, 1 if such as receive good treatment 
are likely to make a grateful return, and to become more attached 
to me than before." Delighted with her answer/ continued 
Ischomachus, ' I said to her, " Are not the bees, my dear wife, 
in consequence of some such care on the part of the queen 
of the hive, so affected toward her, that, when she quits the 
hive, no one of them thinks of deserting her, but all follow in 
her train ?" 39. "I should wonder, however," answered my 
wife, " if the duties of leader do not rather belong to you than 
to me; for my guardianship of what is in the house, and 
distribution of it, would appear rather ridiculous, I think, if 
you did not take care that something might be brought in 
from out of doors." 40. "And on the other hand," returned I, 
" my bringing in would appear ridiculous, unless there were 
somebody to take care of what is brought in. Do you not 
see," said I, " how those who are said to draw water in a 
bucket full of holes are pitied, as they evidently labour in 
vain ?" 2 " Certainly," replied my wife, " for they are indeed 
wretched, if they are thua employed." 

41. " Some other of your occupations, my dear wife," con- 
tinued I, " will be pleasing to you. For instance, when you 
take a young" woman who does not know how to spin, and 
make her skilful at it, and she thus becomes of twice as much 
value to you. Or when you take one who is ignorant of the 
duties of a housekeeper or servant, and, having made her 
accomplished, trustworthy, and handy, render her of the high- 
est value. Or when it is in your power to do services to such 
of your attendants as are steady and useful, while, if any one is 
found transgressing, you can inflict punishment. 42. But you 
will experience the greatest of pleasures, if you show yourself 
superior to me, and render me your servant, and have no cause 
to fear that, as life advances, you may become less respected 

1 'EmxapiTtoTaTov fiev ovv.~] ~M.iv ovv, in reply to a question to which 
a negative answer was expected, signifies, immd verd, quin immd 

8 An allusion to the fable of the Belides. 


in your household, but may trust that, while you grow older, 
the better consort you prove to me, and the more faithful 
guardian of your house for your children, so much the more 
will you be esteemed by your family. 43. For what is good 
and honourable," I added, " gains increase of respect, not from 
beauty of person, but from merits directed to the benefit of 
human life." Such were the subjects, Socrates, on which, 
as far as I remember, I first conversed seriously witli my 


Attentiveness of Ischomachus's wife to his admonitions. His instructions 
to her as to order in a family and in the arrangement of domestic utensils. 
Examples of the necessity and beauty of order in an army, a galley, and 
in companies of dancers. 

I. "'Did you then observe, Ischomachus,' said I, 'that your 
wife was at all the more incited to carefulness by your re- 
marks?' 'Indeed I did,' replied Ischomachus, 'and I saw 
her on one occasion greatly concerned and put to the blush, 
because, when I asked for something that had been brought 
into the house, she was unable to give it me. 2. Perceiving 
that she was in great trouble, however, I said, " Do not be 
cast down, my dear wife, because you cannot give me what 
I am asking you for. It is indeed pure poverty not to have 
a thing to use when you need it ; l but our present want — 
not to be able to find a thing when you seek it — is of a less 
serious nature than not to seek it at all, knowing that it is not 
in your possession. However," added I, "you are not in fault 
on the present occasion, but I, as I did not direct you, when I 
gave you the articles, where each of them ought to be deposit- 
ed, so that you might know how you ought to arrange them 
and whence to take them. 3. There is indeed nothing, my dear 
wife, more useful or more creditable to people than order. 

1 It is an old proverb, that it is evident poverty not to be able, when 
you want a thing, to use it, because you do not know where it has been 
thrown ; and hence negligence in household affairs is more laborious than 
diligence. Columella, xi; 2, 3. 

104 ckconomicus. Fch. 8. 

A chorus of singers and dancers, for instance, consists of a 
number of persons; but when they do whatever each of them 
happens to fancy, all appears confusion, and disagreeable to be- 
hold; but when they act and speak in concert, the same persons 
prove themselves worthy of being seen and heard. 4. An 
army, too, my dear wife," I continued, " is, when undisciplined, 
a mass of confusion, easy to be overcome by the enemy, un- 
pleasing to the eyes of its friends, and of no possible use, 
asses, heavy-armed troops, baggage-carriers, light-armed 
men, horse-soldiers, carriages, being mingled together ; for 
how could the men march, when, being in such a condition, 
they obstruct one another, he that is marching slow impeding 
him that is marching quick, he that is marching quick running 
against him that is halting, while the carriage is in the way of 
the trooper, the ass in that of the carriage, and the bag- 
gage-bearer in that of the foot-soldier ? 5. Or if they had to 
fight, how could they do so in such confusion ? for such of 
them as might have to retreat before the enemy's charge, 
might possibly, in their retreat, trample down others standing 
under arms. 6. But an army in good order is a most pleas- 
ing sight to its friends, and a most formidable object to the 
enemy. For what friend would not contemplate with pleasure 
a body of infantry marching in order ? Or who would not 
admire cavalry riding with perfect regularity ? Or what 
enemy would not be moved with fear, when he sees heavy- 
armed infantry, cavalry, targeteers, archers, and slingers dis- 
tinctly arranged, and following their officers in good order ? 
7. Even though there be many myriads, yet, as long as they pro- 
ceed in order, they all rncve at ease like one man; for those who 
come up from the rear fill up constantly whatever space is 
left vacant. 8. From what other cause is a galley, too, which is 
crowded with men, formidable to an enemy, or a pleasant 
sight to its friends, than on account of its speedy passage over 
the water ? But for what other reason are those who sail in 
it no obstruction to one another, than because they sit in 
order, lean forward over their oars and draw back in order, 
and preserve order in embarking and disembarking ? o. But 
as to disorder, it seems to me something like as if a husband- 
man should throw into his granary 1 barley and wheat and 
peas together, and then, when he wants Parley bread, or wheat* 
- 'E/</3a\oi.] In horreum condidt -it. Breilenbach. 

§ 10— 13. J IMPORTANCE OF ORDER (05 

en bread, or peas soup, should have to abstract them grain 
by grain, instead of having them separately laid up for his 
use. io. If you, therefore, my dear wife, do not wish to 
be involved in such confusion, but desire to understand how 
to arrange our property, to take with ease any portion of what 
you have, and to use it for the purpose for which you require 
it, and also to oblige me by handing me whatever I may ask 
of you, let us select a place for everything separately, suitable 
for keeping it, and having deposited it there, let us give notice 
to the housekeeper whence to take it, and to put it there again ; 
and thus we shall know what is in reserve, and what has been 
used ; for the place itself will indicate the absence of what is 
gone ; while a glance will show what needs attention, and the 
knowledge where any particular thing is, will at once put it 
into our hands, so that we may be at no loss when we have 
to use it." 

n. "'I once saw, I think, the most beautiful and accurate 
arrangement of implements possible, Socrates, when I went 
on board that large Phoenician vessel l to look over it ; for I 
beheld a vast number of articles severally arranged in an ex- 
tremely small space. 12. For the ship,' continued he, 'is 
orought into harbour and taken out again by means of vari- 
ous instruments of wood and tow ; it pursues its voyage witli 
the aid of much that is called suspended tackle ; it is equipped 
with many machines to oppose hostile vessels ; it carries about 
in it many weapons for the men ; it conveys all the utensils, 
such as people use in a house, for each company that take 
their meals together ; and, in addition to all this, it is freighted 
with merchandise, which the owner of the ship transports in 
it for the purpose of profit. 13. And all the things of which 
I am speaking,' continued he, * were stowed in a space not 
much larger than is contained in a room that holds half a 
score dinner-couches. 2 Yet I observed that they were sever- 
ally arranged in such a manner that they were not in the way 
of one another, nor required anybody to seek for them, nor 
were unprepared for use, nor difficult to remove from their 

1 He speaks of some well-known large Phoenician vessel, which, per- 
haps, brought corn or other merchandise to Athens every year. Schneider. 

2 The Greeks were accustomed to designate the capacity of a building 
or apartment by the number of couches which it would contain. T'hui 
we have oIkoq iirTaicXivoQ, Symp. ii. 18. Breitenbach. 

106 cECOXOMICUS. [CH. 8, 

places, so as to cause any delay when it was necessary to enoploy 
them suddenly. 14. The pilot's officer, too, who is called the 
man of the prow, I found so well acquainted with the location 
of them all. that he could tell, even when out of sight of them, 
where each severally lay, and how many there were, not less 
readily than a man who knows his letters can tell how many 
there are in the name Socrates, and where each of them stands. 
15. I saw,' pursued Ischomachus, ' this very man inspecting, 
at his leisure, all the implements that it is necessary to use in 
a ship, and, wondering at his minute examination, I asked 
him what he was doing. " I am examining, stranger," said 
he, " in case anything should happen, in what state everything 
in the vessel is, and whether anything is wanting, or is placed 
so as to be inconvenient for use. 16. For," said he, " there is 
no time, when heaven sends a storm over the sea, either to 
seek for what may be wanting, or to hand out what may be 
difficult to use ; for the gods threaten and punish the negli- 
gent ; and if they but forbear from destroying those who do 
nothing wrong, we must be very well content ; while, if they 
preserve even those that attend to everything quite properly, 
much gratitude is due to them." 17. I, therefore, having 
observed the accuracy of this arrangement, said to my wife, 
that it would be extremely stupid in us, if people in ships, 
which are comparatively small places, find room for their 
things, and, though they are violently tossed about, neverthe- 
less keep them in order, and, even in the greatest alarm, still 
find out how to get what they want; and if we, who have 
large separate repositories in our house for everything, and 
our house firmly planted on the ground, should not discover 
excellent and easily-found places for our several articles ; — 
how could this, I say, be anything but extreme stupidity 
in us ? 

18. "' How excellent a thing a regular arrangement of arti- 
cles is, and how easy it is to find, in a house, a place such as 
is suitable to put everything, I have sufficiently shown. 
19. But how beautiful an appearance it has, too, when shoes, 
for instance, of whatever kind they are, are arranged in 
order ; how beautiful it is to see garments, of whatever kind, 
deposited in their several places ; how beautiful it is to see 
bed-clothes, and brazen vessels, and table furniture, so ar- 
ranged ; and (what, most of all, a person might laugh at, not 

§ 20 — 23.] BEAUTY OF CRDEK. 107 

indeed a grave person, but a jester), I Say, 1 that pots have 
a graceful appearance when they are placed in regular order. 
20. Other articles somehow appear, too, when regularly ar- 
ranged, more beautiful in consequence; 2 for the several sorts 
of vessels seem like so many choral bands ; and the space 
that is between them pleases the eye, when every sort of ves- 
sel is set clear of it; just as a body of singers and dancers, 
moving in a circle, 3 is not only in itself a beautiful sight, but 
the space in the middle of it, being open and clear, is agree- 
able to the eye. 21. Whether what I say is true, my dear wife," 
said I, " we may make trial, without suffering any loss, or 
taking any extraordinary trouble. Nor ought we at all to 
labour under the apprehension that it will be difficult to find 
a person who will learn the places for every article, and re- 
member how to keep each of them separate ; 22. for we know 
very well that the whole city contains ten thousand times as 
much as our house, and yet, whichsoever of the servants you 
order to buy anything and bring it to you from the market- 
place, not one of them will be in perplexity, but every one 
will show that he knows whither he must go to fetch any 
article. For this," added I, " there is no other reason than 
that each article is deposited in its appointed place. 23. But 
if you should seek for a person, and sometimes even for one 
who is on his part seeking you, you would often give up the 
search in despair before you find him ; and for this there is 
no other cause, than that it is not appointed where the par- 
ticular person is to await you." Such was the conversation 
that I had with my wife, as far as I remember, concerning 
the arrangement and distinction 4 of articles.' 

1 Dindorf and Breitenbach very properly read Qrjui here ; the olC 
editions have <pr)<ri. 

2 'Aicb tovtov.~\ Ed re, scilicet ordine. Breitenbach. 

3 Ku/cXioc %opoc.] Chorus orbicularis, such a band as used to sing 
songs in a circle round an altar. Breitenbach. 

4 Ilepl %wp('(Tfwc.] I take this reading from Tauchnitz's pocket 

edition. All other editions that I have seen have xpriaeutg. To whom 
the honour of so admirable a correction is due I know not. 

1 08 O5C0N0MICUS. | CH. 9 


Isch.oma.3nus points out the use and object of the various apartments in his 
house. He and his wife niake choice of a housekeeper. Attention of 
servants to their work must be secured by the careful superintendence of 
the mistress. 

I . " * And what was the result,' said I, ' my dear Ischo- 
machus ? Did your wife appear to attend to any of the mat- 
ters which you took so much pains to impress upon her?' 
' What else did she do but promise that she would attend to 
what I said, and manifest the greatest pleasure, as if she had 
found relief from perplexity ? and she requested me to ar- 
range the various articles, as soon as I could, in the manner 
which I had proposed.' 2. ' And how, Ischomachus,' said 
I, ' did you arrange them for her?' ' What else could I do 
but determine upon showing her, in the first place, the capa- 
city of the house ? For it is not adorned with decorations, 
but the apartments in it are constructed with such a view 
that they may be as convenient receptacles as possible for ihe 
things that are to be placed in them ; so that they themselves 
invite whatever is adapted for them respectively. 1 3. Thus 
the inner chamber, being in a secure part of the house, calls 
for the most valuable couch-coverings and vessels ; the dry 
parts of the building for the corn ; the cool places for the 
wine ; and the well-lighted portions for such articles of work- 
manship, and vases, as require a clear light. 4. I pointed out 
to her, too, that the apartments for people to live in, 2 which 

1 'Va Trp'sTrovra eve £KaoT<£>.] This is Dindorf ' s reading:, from conjec- 
ture. The old texts have to. irpsTrovra dvai tKaarip, which Breitenbach 
retains, though he gives the preference to Dindorf 's conjecture. Schneider 
proposed to insert ev after elvai. 

2 The order of the words in the text being somewhat involved, Breiten- 
bach observes that the construction is, diaiTrjTrjpia Se rdig dvGpdjirocg 
KiKaS\u)iri(ryikva tirtduKvvov avry, k. t. X. " Nor must we be surprised," 
says he, " that the SiatrrjTrjpia, i. e. conclavia quotidiano usui destinata, 
are here called KeKaWuTTLafjikva, when it is said a little above that the 
house was not adorned TroiKiX/xam, for we are simply to understand that 
these apartments, in which people lived, were provided with necessary 
furniture, and thus distinguished from the other apartments, which, being 
mere repositories for different articles, were left unfurnished and undecor- 
ated. See Mem. Soc. iii. 8. 8." 


are well ornamented, are cool in the summer and exposed to 
the sun in winter ; and I made her notice as to the whole 
house how it lies open to the south, so that it is plain it has 
plenty of sun in winter, and plenty of shade in summer. 1 5. I 
pointed out to her also the situation of the apartment for the 
females, separated from that of the men by a door fastened 
with a bolt, 2 that nothing improper may be taken out, and 
that the servants may not have children without our know- 
ledge ; for good slaves, when they have children, generally 
become still better disposed ; but bad ones, when they form 
connexions, increase their power to do mischief. 6. When 
we had gone through these places,' he continued, ' we then 
proceeded to classify our goods. We began by collecting, 
first of all, whatever we use for offering sacrifices ; after this, 
we arranged the dresses for women, such as are suited for 
festival days ; and then the equipments for men, as well for 
festivities as for warfare ; and next the bed-coverings in the 
women's apartments, the bed-coverings in the men's apart- 
ments, the shoes for the women and the shoes for the men. 
7. Of utensils there were distinct collections, one of instruments 
for spinning, another of those for preparing corn, another of 
those for cooking, another of those for the bath, another of 
those for kneading bread, another of those for the table. 
These in general we divided into two sorts, such as we have 
to use constantly, and such as are required only at festal en- 
tertainments. 8. We also made one assortment of what would 
be used in a month, and another of what was computed to 
last for a year ; for in this way it is less likely to escape our 
knowledge how particular things are expended. When we 
had thus distinguished all our goods into classes, we conveyed 
them severally to the places best suited for them. 9. Afterwards, 
whatever utensils the servants require daily, such as those for 
preparing corn, for cooking, for spinning, and any o'hers of 
that sort, we pointed out to those who use them the places 
where they were to put them, and then committed them to 

1 Apparently from the effect of the portico. See note on Mem. Soc. 
iii. 8. 8. But the meaning is uncertain alike in both passages. 

2 I read Ovpa /3a\ai'wr<^, with Breitenbach. Other texts have 3vpav 
flaXavti.y, from which no satisfactory sense could be extracted. The 
fiaXavog was a sort of peg or bolt thrust through the bar of a door aftei 
the bar was pushed into a hole in the door-post. So that the full signi 
ficaticn of fiaXdvuiTog is, fastened with a bar and bolt. 

110 (EC0N01IICUS. [CH. 9. 

their keeping, charging them to keep them safely; 10. but 
such as we use only for festival days, for entertaining guests, 
or only occasionally at long intervals, we committed, after 
pointing out the places for them, and numbering and making 
lists of them, to the housekeeper, and told her to give out any 
of them to whatever servant needed them, to bear in mind to 
which of them she gave any one, and, after receiving them 
back, to deposit them respectively in the places from which 
she took them. 

11. "' Of the housekeeper we made choice after considering 
which of the female servants appeared to have most self- 
restraint in eating, and wine, and sleep, and converse with 
the male sex ; and, in addition to this, which seemed to have 
the best memory, and which appeared to have forethought, 
that she might not incur punishment from us for neglect, and 
to consider how, by gratifying us, she might gain some mark 
of approbation in return. 12. We formed her to entertain 
feelings of affection towards us, giving her a share in our 
pleasure when we had an occasion of rejoicing, and consulting 
her, if anything troublesome occurred, with reference to it. 
We also led her to become desirous of increasing our pro- 
perty, by stimulating her to take accounts of it, and making 
her in some degree partaker of our prosperity. 13. We also 
excited in her a love of honesty, by paying more respect to 
the well-principled than to the unprincipled, and showing her 
that they lived in greater plenty and in better style. We 
then installed her in her appointment. 1 14. But in addition 
to all this, Socrates,' said he, 'I told my wife that there 
would be no profit in all these arrangements, unless she her- 
self took care that the appointed order for everything should 
be preserved. I also instructed her that in the best-regulated 
political communities it is not thought sufficient by the citi- 
zens merely to make good laws, but that they also appoint 
guardians of the laws, who, overlooking the state, commend 
him who acts in conformity with the laws, and, if any one 
transgresses the laws, punish him. 15. I accordingly desired 
my wife/ continued he, ' to consider herself the guardian of 
the laws established in the house, and to inspect the household 

1 The common texts have tv avry ry xwoq : Breitenbach's, iv ravr\ 
r V X^PV; which I have followed. X<opa occurs in a similar sense, he ub- 
§erves, Anab. v. 6.13: Iv ai'dpcnroSuiv \wpa. 


furniture, whenever she thought proper, as the commander of 
a garrison inspects his sentinels ; to signify her approbation 
if everything was in good condition, as the senate l signifies 
its approval of the horses and horse-soldiers ; to praise and 
honour the deserving like a queen, according to her means, 
and to rebuke and disgrace any one that required such treat- 
ment. 16. But I moreover admonished her,' added he, ' that 
she would have no reason to be displeased, if I imposed on 
her more trouble with regard to our property than I laid on 
the servants ; remarking to her, that servants have only so 
far a concern with their master's property as to carry it, or 
keep it in order, or take care of it; but that no servant has 
any power of using it unless his master puts it into his hands, 
while it belongs all to the master himself, so that he may use 
any portion of it for whatever purpose he pleases. 17. To 
him therefore that receives the greatest benefit from its pre- 
servation, and suffers the greatest loss by its destruction, I 
showed her that the greatest interest in its safety must 

18. " 'Well then, Ischomachus,' said I, 'how did your wife, 
on hearing these instructions, show herself disposed to com- 
ply with your wishes ? ' ' She assured me, Socrates,' replied 
he, 'that I did not judge rightly of her, if I thought that I 
was imposing on her what was disagreeable, in telling her 
that she must take care of the property; for she remarked,' 
said he, ' that it would have been more disagreeable to her if 
I had charged her to neglect her property, than if she were re- 
quired to take care of the household goods. 19. For it seems to 
be a provision of nature,' concluded he, ' that as it is easier for 
a well-disposed woman to take care of her children than to 
neglect them, so it is more pleasing (as he thought, he said), 
for a right-minded woman to attend to her property, which, 
as being her own, affords her gratification, than to be neglect- 
ful of it/ 

1 Comp. Hipparch. c. 1, 8, 13. 



Socrates admires the excellent character and willing submission of Ischo* 
machus's wife. Ischomachus relates how he dissuaded his wife from 
ostentation in dress, and made her feel that she would more effectually 
secure his attachment, and that of others, by a faithful discharge of her 
duties than by showiness in apparel or assumed dignity of manner. 

l. " On hearing that his wife had made him such a reply," 
proceeded Socrates, "I said, 'By Juno, Ischomachus, you 
show us that your wife is possessed of a manly understanding.' 
' And accordingly,' returned Ischomachus, ' I wish to give 
you other instances of her extreme nobleness of mind, in 
matters in which she complied with my wishes after hearing 
them only once.' ' Of what nature were they ? ' said I; 
' pray tell us ; for it is a far greater pleasure to hear of the 
merit of a living woman, than if Zeuxis were to exhibit to me 
the most beautiful representation of a woman in a painting.' 
2. Ischomachus then proceeded to say, ' Seeing her one day, 
Socrates, painted over with a great deal of white lead, that 
she might appear still fairer than she really was, and with 
a great deal of vermilion, that her complexion might seem 
more rosy than its natural hue, and having on high-heeled 
shoes, that she might seem tall beyond her real stature* 3. 
" Tell me," said I, " my dear wife, whether you would con- 
sider me, as a sharer of my fortunes with you, more worthy of 
your love, if I should show you what I really possessed, and 
should neither boast that I have more than really belongs to 
me, nor conceal any portion of what I have; or if, on the con- 
trary, I should endeavour to deceive you by saying that I 
have more than is really mine, and by showing you counter- 
feit money, and necklaces of gilt wood, and purple garments 
of a fading colour, pretending that they are of the true 
quality?" 4. She instantly replying, said, " Hush ! may you 
never act in such a way ; for if you were to do so, I could 
never love you from my heart." " Then," said I, " my dear 
wife, were we not united that we might have personal intimacy 
with one another?" 5. " People say so at least," replied she. 
" Whether, then," said I, "should I seem, as an intimate asso- 
ciate, mo'E worthy of your love, if, in presenting my person 


to you, I should take care, by paying due attention to it, that 
it be healthy and strong, and should by that means appear to 
you, as would really be the case, of a good complexion, or if, 
on the contrary, I should paint myself with vermilion, tinge 
my eye-lids with purple, and then present myself before you, 
and associate with you, deceiving you all the time, and 
offering you vermilion to see and touch instead of my own 
natural skin?" 6. "Certainly," replied she, "I should not 
touch vermilion with greater pleasure than I should touch 
yourself, nor should I look upon purple dye with greater 
pleasure than on your own colour, nor should I see your eyes 
painted with greater pleasure than in their natural condition." 
7. " Consider accordingly that I also, my dear wife," ' Ischoma- 
chus said that he told her, "am not better pleased with the colour 
of white lead and red dye than with your own ; but as the 
gods have made horses the most beautiful objects of contempla- 
tion to horses, oxen to oxen, and sheep to sheep, so men think 
that the human body in its natural state is the most agree- 
able object of contemplation to men. 8. Such deceits may 
indeed impose, to a certain extent, on comparative strangers, 
without being discovered ; but if those who live together in 
intimacy attempt to deceive one another, they must certainly 
be found out ; for they will either expose themselves when 
they rise from their beds, before they make their toilet, or they 
will be detected by perspiration, or will be unmasked by tears, 
or will, assuredly, be betrayed in bathing." ' 9. ' And what 
in the name of the gods,' said I, ' did she answer to these 
remarks ? ' ' Her only answer was,' said he, ' that she never 
afterwards practised any such art, but took care to appear in 
a natural and becoming manner. She even asked me if I 
could recommend her any course by which she might render 
herself really good looking, and not merely make herself be 
thought so. 10. I then, my dear Socrates,' continued he, 
* advised her not to sit continually like a slave, but to take 
upon herself, with the help of the gods, to preside at the loom 
like a mistress, and to teach others what she knew better thaa 
they, and to learn what she did not know so well ; I recom- 
mended her also to overlook the bread-maker, to attend to the 
housekeeper as she was measuring out her articles, and to go 
about and examine whether everything was in the place in 
which it ought to be ; for such occupations, it appeared to 

114 cecoxomious. Ten. 1!. 

me, would be at once a discharge of her duties and a means of 
exercise. 11. I told her, too, that it would be good exercise 
to wet and knead the bread, and to shake out and put up the 
clothes and bed-coverings. I assured her that it' she thus 
exercised herself she would take her food with a better 
appetite, would enjoy better health, and would assume a more 
truly excellent complexion. 12. A wife's look, indeed, 
when it seems, compared with that of a servant, more 
pure and healthy, and when she is dressed more be- 
comingly, is something attractive to a husband, especially 
when a desire of pleasing him, instead of serving him from 
compulsion, is manifested. 13. But women who are always 
seated to keep up their dignity, cause themselves to be 
numbered among such as are decked out merely for show, and 
appear under false colours. And now, Socrates,' added he, 
' my wife regulates her conduct, be assured, as I taught her. 
and as I now tell you.' 


Socrates, having heard sufficient respecting the character of Ischomachus \s 
wife, requests Ischomachus to tell him how he employed his time^ 
Ischomachus gives an account of his various occupations, and the objects 
of them. 

l. "I then said, * I think that I have heard sufficient, Ischo- 
machus, for a commencement, respecting the conduct of your 
wife, which is indeed extremely honourable to both of you. 
But tell me now,' I added, ' something of your own manage- 
ment, so that you may have pleasure in speaking of that from 
which you have gained credit, and that I, having heard a full 
account of the proceedings of an honourable and good man, 
and having, if possible, learned something from them, may 
feel myself much indebted to you.' 2. 'I will indeed give 
you with great pleasure, Socrates,' said Ischomachus, ' an 
account of what I am constantly doing, in order that you may 
correct me, if I seem to you to do anything injudiciously.' 
*. * But how can I,' I asked, ' with any show of justice, correct 

§ £ — 8.] THE POOR MAY GATN ESTEEM. 115 

a man whose conduct is marked by all that is noble and 
good, especially when I am myself a person who am thought 
to indulge in idle talk, and to measure the air, 1 and, what 
appears to be the most foolish of all calumnies, am accused of 
being poor. 4. I should indeed be in great dejection at this 
charge, had I not this morning, on meeting the horse of Nicias 
the foreigner, 2 seen numbers of spectators following him, and 
heard persons holding much conversation about him ; and 
let me tell you, I went up to the groom and asked him whether ' 
the horse was possessed of much wealth. 5. But he, looking 
at me as if I had proved myself out of my senses by the 
question, said, "How can a horse be possessed of wealth?" 
So I recovered my spirits on hearing that it is possible for 
even a poor horse to be a good one, if he has a good disposition 
from nature. 6. On the supposition, therefore, that it is 
possible for me also to be a good man, give me a full account of 
your conduct, that I may begin to-morrow to imitate you in 
whatever good I may learn while I listen; for to-morrow is 
a good day,' said I, 'to enter upon a course of virtue.' 3 
7. ' You are jesting, Socrates,' said Ischomachus, ' but I will 
nevertheless tell you what I endeavour to pass my life, as far 
as I can, in studying ; 8. for as I think I have learned that 
the gods have made it impossible for men to prosper without 
knowing what they ought to do, and taking care that their 
duties be performed, and that of those who are prudent and 
diligent the gods grant prosperity to some, and not to others ; 
I therefore begin by offering adoration to the gods, and I 
endeavour to act in such a manner while I pray to them, that 
it may be possible for me to enjoy health and strength of body, 
the respect of my fellow-citizens, the goodwill of my friends, 
honourable safety in time of war, and wealth honestly in- 

1 'Aepo/jerpav.] That is, to indulge in idle and empty speculations, 
fierewpa, above human knowledge or comprehension. Comp. Aiistcph. 
Nub. 225. 

2 Nikj'ou tov Itti]\vtov.'] Gail supposes that Nicias the son of Nicera- 
tus is here meant, and that he is called £7rr)\vTr)g as having just returned 
from an embassy to Lacedaemon. But if Xenophon had intended to in- 
dicate this, he would have used some other word than sTrr)\vTr]g. Sturz, 
in his Lexicon, very properly states that some other Nicias is signified. 
Camerarius supposes that E7rr}\vTov should be written with a capital, as 
the name ot Nicias's father. 

3 A proverbial saying, not to be understood of any particular day ; foj 
eyery day is good for commencing the pursuit of virtue Weiske. 

i 2 


creased/ 9. 1, nearing this, said, * Is h then an object with 
you, Ischomachus, that you may be rich, and that, having a 
large fortune, you may have also the trouble of taking care of 
it ? ' ' Certainly,' replied Ischomachus, ' I have a desire for that 
wealth about which you ask ; for it appears a great pleasure 
to me to pay rich offerings to the gods, to assist my friends, 
if they have need of aid, and to take care that the city may 
not be unadorned for want of money, as far as I am concerned.' 
io. ' Assuredly, Ischomachus,' said I, 'the objects which you 
mention are honourable, and suitable to a man in a highly 
influential position ; for how can it be otherwise ? since there 
are many who cannot live without looking to the assistance 
of others, and many must be content if they can procure what 
is barely sufficient to sustain them. But as for those who 
are able not only to manage their own households, but to se% 
cure a superfluity, so as to adorn the city, and to relieve their 
friends, must we not regard them as men of great substance 
and influence? n. Many of us, indeed,' continued I, 'are 
able to extol such men ; but do you tell me, my dear Ischoma- 
chus, commencing with what you mentioned first, how you 
take care of your health ; how you keep up your bodily 
strength ; how it is possible for you to preserve yourself 
honourably in time of war ; and, after you have spoken on 
these points, it will be satisfactory to hear what you say 
respecting the means of increasing your fortune.' 12. ' All 
these things, my good Socrates,' rejoined Ischomachus, * are, 
as it appears to me, naturally connected with one another ; for 
after a man has taken sufficient to eat, health seems to be a 
surer attendant on him when he works it off by proper exer- 
cise, and his strength seems to increase as he exerts him- 
self; if he practises military exercises, he is likely to secure 
his safety with greater honour ; and, if he pays due attention 
to his affairs, and does not relax into idleness, there will be the 
greater probability that his substance will be increased.' 
13. ' So far I follow you, Ischomachus,' said I, ' when you 
say that a man who is industrious and careful, and takes 
exercise, secures certain advantages ; but what sort of labour 
you adopt to keep up your constitution and strength, how you 
exercise yourself for war, and what methods you pursue to 
secure a superabundance of income, so that you may assist 
your friends, and add to the resources of the commonwealth, 

§ 14 — 20.] EXERCISES OP ISCHOai'ACHTJS. 117 

are points,' said I, ' which I would gladly learn from you.' 
14. 'I accustom myself, then, Socrates,' said Ischomachus, 
* to rise from my bed at an hour when lam likely to find any 
one whom I may want to see still at home. If I have to do 
any business in the city, I have the advantage of a walk while 
I am going upon it. 15. Or if I have no business of conse- 
quence in the city, my servant takes my horse into the fields. 
and I, by the walk along the road into the country, perhaps 
get more benefit than I should get if I were to walk under a 
covered colonnade. 1 16. When I reach the open fields, I 
then, whether my workmen happen to be planting trees, or 
turning up the soil, or sowing, or gathering in the produce, 
observe how everything is going on, and suggest alterations 
if I think of anything better than what is being done. n. 
After this, I generally mount my horse, and go through 
equestrian exerci'ses as similar as possible to those necessarily 
practised in war, avoiding neither cross roads, 2 nor acclivities, 
nor ditches, nor streams of water; but I take care, as far as is 
in my power, not to lame my horse while he is engaged in 
these exercises. 18. When this is over, the servant lets the 
horse roll himself about, and then takes him home, carrying 
with him whatever we want from the fields into the town ; 
whilst I return home, sometimes at a walking pace, and some- 
times running, and then clear off the perspiration with the 
strigil. 3 I next take my morning meal, Socrates, eating just 
so much as neither to pass the day empty nor over full.' 4 
19. ' By Jupiter, my dear Ischomachus,' said I, ' you do all 
this in such a way as to have my approbation at least ; for to 
occupy yourself, at the same time, in arrangements for the 
improvement of your health and strength, in exercises suited 
to war, and in cares for the advancement of your fortune, 
seems to me in the highest degree admirable. 20. You give us 

1 The Athenians were accustomed to walk, for health or pleasure, in 
the porticoes of the gymnasia, which were called Zvcrroi, Spo/xot, ^varoi 
Spofioi, KaraoTtyoi Spofioi, very seldom under the open sky, or without 
the city. Compare Plato, Phaedr. p. 227. Becker's Charicles, vol. i. p> 
343 (p. 308, Eng. Transl. Parker, 1854). Breitenbach. 

2 Ovrt TrXayiov cnrexofitvog.^ Neque transversa vitl Philel* 


3 An instrument used for cleansing the skin, chiefly in the bath ; buf 
• used without bathing. See Schneider's note. 

* Pransus non avide, quantum interpellet inani 
Ventre diem durare. Hor. Sat. i. 6, 127= 

118 OECONOMIOUS. [Cfl. 11, 

assuredly, sufficient proofs that you attend to each of these 
particulars eiFectually; for we see you in general, under 
favour of the gods, in the enjoyment of health and strength, 
and we know that you are reckoned among the best qualified 
of our horsemen and the richest of our citizens.' 

21. " ' While I pursue this course of conduct, then, Socrates,' 
continued he, 'I am by many persons very greatly calumni- 
ated ; — you perhaps thought that I was going to say that I am, 
by many, called an honourable and excellent man.' 22. 
' Yes ; but I was going to ask you this, too, Ischomachus,' 
said I, ' whether you make it at all your care that you may be 
able to give an account of your actions, and to require from 
others an account of theirs, if it be necessary to require 
such account from any one.' ' Do I not appear to you, 
Socrates,' replied he, 4 to be constantly meditating on this 
very subject, to be able to justify myself by showing that I 
injure no man, and that I do good to many, as far as I can ? 
and do I not appear to you to make it my study how to accuse 
people, when I see many doing wrong to individuals, and some 
to the state, and not one doing good?' 23. 'If you also 
meditate interpreting what you say, Ischomachus,' said I, 
* tell me, in addition, what it is you mean.' ' I never cease, 
then, Socrates,' continued he, 'to exercise myself in speak- 
ing ; for I either listen to one of my servants accusing another, 
or defending himself, and try to refute what is not true ; or I 
complain of some person, or commend him, to his friends ; or 
I seek to reconcile some of my acquaintances, by endeavour- 
ing to convince them how much better it is for them to be 
friends rather than enemies. 24. Or, when we l are in com- 
pany with any commander, we bring a charge against some 
one of his men, or offer a defence on behalf of some one, if he 
Mes under an unjust accusation ; or we bring charges against 
one another, if any of us receives honour undeservedly. 
Frequently, too, we engage in deliberations, praise whatever 
we desire to do, and find fault with whatever we are unwilling 
to do. 25. But now, Socrates,' added he, 'I am often 
brought to judgment myself individually, 2 that it may be 
settled what penalty I have to suffer or to pay.' ' By whom,. 

: By "we " is meant " I and any of my friends." 

2 AieiXrjfinsvoQ is the reading of Dindorf, which is interpreted by 
seorsum in the Latin version. Weiske and Breitenbach read ciei\r)Ufii- 
V<im; } to which Breitenbach, with Camerarius, gives the sense of distinct^. 

§ 25. [ OF A FARM BAILIFF. 119 

Ischornachus?' asked I ; 'for this was quite unknown to ine.' 
8 By my wife,' said he. '- And how,' said I, ' do you plead 
your cause ? ' ' Very fairly,' replied he, * when it is to ray 
interest to say what is true ; but when it is to my profit to 
say what is false, I cannot, by Jupiter, my dear Socrates, 
succeed in making the worse argument appear the better.' 1 
' Without doubt, Ischomachus,' said I, ' you cannot make 
that true which is false.' 


Socrates expresses his fear that he was detaining Ischomachus from his busi- 
ness ; Ischomachus replies that he had left his affairs under the superin- 
tendence of a bailiff, and proceeds to give an account of the office and 
duties of a bailiff or overseer, and the qualities necessary to the formation 
of a good one. But the master's personal superintendence must never be 
long withheld. 

l. " ' But,' said I, ( let me not detain you, my dear Ischo- 
machus, if you now wish to go away.' ' You are not detaining 
me, I assure you, Socrates,' said he, * since I should not go 
away until the business of the market is altogether at an end.' 
2. * Undoubtedly,' replied I, * for you are extremely cautious 
that you may not lose your title, that of an upright and hon- 
ourable man ; and thus, though perhaps many things require 
your attention, yet, as you made an agreement with the 
strangers, you still wait for them, that you may not disappoint 
them.' 2 ' Those many things, however, to which you allude, 
my dear Socrates, are not neglected,' replied Ischomachus, 
1 for I have bailiffs in my fields.' 3. ' And whether,' said I, 
'Ischomachus, when you want a bailiff, do you, after having 
ascertained if there is anywhere a man fit for a bailiff, proceed 
to hire him (as, when you want a carpenter, you recollect if 
you have anywhere seen a man qualified as a carpenter, and 
try, I know very well, to secure his services), or do you form 

1 As Socrates was often accused of doing. See Aul. Gell. v. 3; 
Quintil. ii. 16 ; Aristoph. Nub. 114. " His tongue could make the wors« 
appear the better reason." Par. Lost, ii. 112 

% See c. 7, sect. 2. 

120 CECONOMICUS. [CH. 12. 

your bailiffs by instructing them yourself ? ' 4. ' I myself 
assuredly, my dear Socrates,' he replied, ' endeavour to in- 
struct them ; for what else ought he who is to be qualified 
to attend to my business in my stead, whenever I am absent, 
to know, but what I myself know ? and if I myself am fit to 
have charge of the business, I may certainly teach another 
what I myself understand.' 5. ' Then, in the first place,' 
said I, 'it will be proper for him to entertain good feelings 
towards you and yours, if he is to supply your place properly 
when he attends to your business instead of yourself ; for 
without a good disposition, what profit would there be from 
any knowledge in a bailiff whatsoever ? ' ' None, certainly,' 
replied Ischomachus ; ' but I endeavour, first of all, to teach 
them to feel well disposed towards me, and what concerns me.' 
6. ' And how, in the name of the gods,' said I, ' do you teach 
whomsoever you please, to feel well disposed to you and what 
concerns you ? ' ' By doing them some good,' replied Ischo- 
machus, 'whenever the gods give me an abundant supply of 
anything that is good.' 7. ' You say this, then,' said I, ' that 
those who profit by your good fortune become attached to you, 
and wish to do you some good.' 'I see, indeed, Socrates, 
that this is the best means of securing attachment.' 8. ' But 
if a person becomes well affected towards you, Ischomachus,' 
said I, ' will he on that account be suificiently qualified to act 
as a bailiff for you ? Do you not see that though all men, so 
to speak, are well affected towards themselves, there are yet 
many of them who are not willing to take the requisite care 
that the good things which they desire may fall to their lot ? 
9. < But, I assure you,' said Ischomachus, ' when I wish to 
make such persons bailiffs, I also teach them to be careful.' 
io. 'How, in the name of the gods?' said I; 'for I thought 
that to make a man careful did not fall under the province of 
teaching.' ' Nor is it indeed possible, Socrates,' said he, 'to 
teach all men, without exception, 1 to be careful.' U. ' What 
sort of men, then,' said I, 'is it possible to teach ? Point 
them out to me clearly, by all means.' ' In the first place, 
Socrates,' replied he, ' you would not be able to make such 
as are intemperate in wine careful, for intoxication induces 
forgetfulness of everything that is necessary for them to do.' 

1 'E<pt%iJG— iravTaQ.~] " All one after another, i. e. all without any ex* 
ception.' Breitenbach. 


12. 'Are then those only,' said I, 'who are intemperate in 
this particular, incapable of becoming careful, or are there any 
others besides ? ' ' Yes, indeed,' replied Ischomachus, ' those 
who indulge immoderately in- sleep; for he who is sunk in 
drowsiness can neither do what he ought himself, nor render 
others able to do it.' 13. 'What, then,' said I again, 'will 
these only be incapable of being taught this carefulness, or 
will there be others in addition to these ? ' ' Those, too,* 
said Ischomachus, ' who are immoderately given to sensuality, 
appear to be incapable of being taught to care for anything 
else more than for it. 14. For neither is it easy to find any 
subject of contemplation or solicitude more agreeable than that 
of love ; nor, when attention to business is necessary, is it easy 
to find a severer punishment for them than detention from the 
beloved object. Whomsoever, therefore, I observe to be of 
such a character, I abstain from even attempting to render 
careful.' 15. 'And as to those,' said I, 'who are greedy of 
gain, are they incapable of being instructed to pay attention to 
business in the fields ? ' ' No, by Jupiter,' replied Ischoma- 
chus, ' by no means ; for they are very easy to be brought to 
give attention to such matters ; since nothing else is necessary 
for the purpose but merely to show them that the employment 
is profitable.' 16. 'And as to others, moreover,' said I, 'if they 
are temperate in what you require, and are but moderately 
desirous of gain, how do you teach them to be careful in that 
in which you wish them to be so ? ' ' By a very simple method, 
Socrates,' replied he ; ' for when I see them attentive to their 
business, I commend them, and endeavour to bestow some dis- 
tinction on them ; but when I observe them negligent, I study 
to say or do something that may hurt their feelings.' H. 
' Well, then, Ischomachus,' added I, ' to divert our discourse 
a little from those who are taught to attend to business, tell 
me, with regard to the teaching itself, whether it is possible 
that he who is himself careless should render others careful.' 
18. 'No, certainly,' replied Ischomachus, 'no more than it is 
possible for one who is ignorant of music to render others 
skilful in music ; for it is hard, when a teacher shows a thing 
imperfectly, to learn from him to do it well; and if a master 
gives an example of negligence, it is not to be expected that 
the servant will be careful. 19. To speak briefly, I do not 
think that I have ever observed the servants of a bad master 

122 (ECONOMTCtTS. [ch. 13. 

conduct themselves well ; I have, however, seen the servants 
of a good master conduct themselves ill, but not without de- 
triment to him. But whoever wishes to make his servants 
capable of attending to his work must be careful to overlook 
and inspect what they do, and to be ready to bestow some re- 
ward upon any one that is the cause of things being well done, 
as well as not to shrink from inflicting a proper penalty on 
any one that is negligent. 20. The reply attributed to the 
barbarian,' added Ischomachus, * appears to me to be ex- 
ceedingly to the purpose; for when the king of Persia, having 
met with a fine horse, and wishing to have it fattened as soon 
as possible, asked one of those who were considered knowing 
about horses, what would fatten a horse soonest, it is said that 
he answered, " the master's eye." 1 So, Socrates,' concluded he, 
'the master's eye seems to me to have the most effect in render- 
ing other things right and prosperous.' 


Bailiffs or overseers must be instructed how their several duties are to be 
regulated and performed. They must also be taught how to direct and 
govern those who are under them. 

l. " ' But when you have impressed upon any person,' said I, 
' and impressed with great earnestness, that he must attend to 
that to which you desire him to attend, will he be at once quali- 
fied to take the office of bailiff, or is there anything else that 
he must learn, if he means to be an able bailiff ? ' 2. * Yes, 
indeed,' replied Ischomachus, ' there is something else ; for it 
remains for him to know what he must do, and when, and 
how ; for if he does not learn this, what profit would there be 
from a bailiff without such knowledge, any more than from a 
physician who should attend upon a sick person, visiting him 
morning and evening, but should be ignorant what to do for 
the benefit of his patient.' 3. ' And if he has learned how his 
various works are to be done, will there be need of anything 

1 The same anecdote is mentioned by Aristotle, CEcon. c. 6. So Cato 
used to say, that the face of a master was of much more use thui his ba'k. 
Plia. H. N. xviii. 5. Comp, iEsch. Pers. 165. 


further,' said I, ' or will he then be a thoroughly accomplished 
bailiff for you? ' ' I think,' he replied, ' that he must at least learn 
how to direct the workmen.' 4. i Do you then instruct your 
bailiffs,' said I, 'that they may be qualified for directing 
others ? 'I try to do so at least,' said Ischomachus. * And 
how, in the name of the gods,' I asked, ' do you teach them 
to be able to direct men ? In a very poor way, indeed, Socra- 
tes,' replied he, ' so that you may perhaps laugh at it when 
you hear it.' 5. < Such a matter,' returned I, 'does not de- 
serve to be laughed at, my dear Ischomachus ; for whoever is 
able to render persons qualified to direct men, is evidently able 
to teach them how to govern men; and whoever can teach 
them to govern, can also qualify them to become kings ; so 
that he who can do this appears to me deserving, not of deri* 
sion, but of great praise.' 6. < Other animals, then, Socrates,' 
Continued he, ' learn to obey under the influence of two 
things ; from being punished when they attempt to be diso- 
bedient, and from being treated with kindness when they obey 
cheerfully. 7. Colts, for instance, learn to obey those who 
break them in, by finding something pleasant happen to them 
when they are obedient, and when they are disobedient, by 
experiencing some trouble, until they submit to the will of 
the breaker. 8. Puppies, too, which are far inferior to man 
in understanding as well as tongue, are nevertheless taught 
to run in a circle, to dive in the water, 1 and to do many other 
things, in the very same maimer ; for when they obey, they 
receive something for which they have a desire ; and when 
they are careless, they are punished. 9. As for men, it is 
possible to render them more obedient by argument, showing 
them that it is for their advantage to obey. With respect to 
slaves, that mode of instruction which is similar to that of 
brutes is of the greatest effect in teaching them to be obedi- 
ent ; for if you provide for their bellies, so as to gratify their 
appetites, you may succeed in getting much from them. But 
ambitious natures are excited by praise ; for some dispositions 
thirst for praise no less than others for meat and drink. 10. 
While I teach, therefore, those whom I wish to make bailiffs, the 
rules which I observe myself in the expectation of finding 
people more obedient to me, I second their efforts also in the 

1 KvfitoTav. J So Zeune interprets the word ; but it may raear, " to turn 
heels over head," 

124 (ECONOMICUS. [ch. 14. 

following ways : I take care that the clothes and the shoes, 
which I have to furnish for the workmen, may not be all 
alike, but some worse and some better, that there may be op- 
portunity for distinguishing the better labourer with the better 
garments, while I give those of inferior value to the less 
deserving. n. For extreme despondency, Socrates,' con- 
tinued he, ' appears to be produced in the meritorious, When 
they see that the work is done by themselves, and that they 
obtain only a like recompense with those who are neither 
willing to work nor to submit to any risk when necessity calls 
upon them. I myself, therefore, never by any means consider 
the better workmen as deserving only of equal recompense 
with the worse, and I commend my overseers whenever I see 
them distributing the best articles among the most praiseworthy 
labourers ; but if I observe any one distinguished in consequence 
of flatteries or any other profitless service, I do not overlook 
the abuse, but reprimand the bailiff, and endeavour to teach 
him, Socrates, that he is not doing what is for his own interest' 


How bailiffs and others should be induced to observe honesty. 

1. " 'But when your overseer, Ischomachus,' proceeded I, 
'has become qualified to manage others, so as to render them 
tractable, do you consider that he is then become a 
thoroughly qualified officer ; or does he, who has the ac- 
complishments which you have mentioned, need any additional 
good qualities ? ' 2. ' Indeed he does,' replied Ischomachus ; 
' for instance, to abstain from taking liberties with his master's 
property, and from thieving ; for if he who has the manage- 
ment of the crops should dare to make away with them clan- 
destinely, so as not. to leave as much as will be a recompense 
for the labour, what profit would it be to cultivate the land 
under his superintendence ? ' 3. ' Do you, then,' said I, 
'undertake to teach the observance of honesty?' 'Certainly, 
replied Ischomachus, ' but I do not find all listen promptly to 
such teaching. 4. Taking some things, however, from tfcs 


laws of Draco, and some from tnose of Solon, I endeavour to 
bring my servants to honesty ; for these lawgivers,' added he, 
* appear to me to have made many of their laws for the pur- 
pose of inculcating such integrity, 5. since it is written in 
them that persons are to be punished for thefts, and that those 
who attempt them, if they be caught in the fact, are to be 
put in prison, or put to death. It is plain, therefore, that they 
wrote such laws with a view to render dishonest gains profit- 
less to knaves. 6. Adopting some things, accordingly, from 
these laws,' continued he, 'and borrowing others from the 
laws of the king of Persia, 1 I strive to render my servants 
honest in regard to what they have under their management ; 
7. for the laws of Draco and Solon only prescribe penalties for 
those who do wrong, but the laws of the king of Persia not 
only punish those who do amiss, but reward those who do 
right ; so that many, even though they are very greedy of 
gain, yet, as they see that the honest become richer than the 
dishonest, adhere very carefully to abstinence from dishonesty, 
s. But those whom I observe,' added he, ' attempting, not- 
withstanding they are well treated, to practise dishonesty, I 
set aside entirely from all trust, 2 as being incorrigible knaves. 
9. Those, on the contrary, whom I perceive not only priding 
themselves on having more than others through their honesty, 
but manifesting a desire to receive praise from me, I treat at 
once as freedmen; not only enriching them, but honouring them 
as good and upright persons ; 10. for it is in this, Socrates,' he 
concluded, * that a man desirous of honours differs from a 
man fond of gain, in being willing, namely, to labour, or to 
meet danger, when it is necessary, for the sake of praise and 
distinction, and to abstain from disgraceful means of lucre.' 

1 Twv BaffiXiKutv vofMov.] As the king of Persia is called King, rax' 
tZoxvv, so anything belonging to him or concerning him is called 
Ba<Ti\iKog. Breitenbach. 

2 'And Tjjg xp^ercwc.] I abstain from making ur,e of them as trust* 
worthy persons. Schneider's text has xtip'unwQ, a conjectuie of Cera jr. 
Beisig proposes kti\ouuq. 

126 (KCONOMICUS. [en. 15. 


Ischomachus now proceeds, at the request of Socrates, to give instructions 
on the various departments of agriculture. He shows that it is easy to he 
learned ; and that those who are employed in it are very ready to com- 
municate their knowledge of it, differing greatly in this respect from 
persons employed in handicraft trades. Socrates expresses his pleasure 
at what Ischomachus has said, and desires to hear more. 

l. " ( Well, then,' said I, 'when you have implanted in a 
person the desire that prosperity may attend you, when you 
have inspired him also with an anxiety that profit may be 
secured for you, when, in addition to this, you have furnished 
him with knowledge how every kind of work may be done, so 
as to be rendered more lucrative, when you have rendered 
him, moreover* able to direct others, and when, last of all, you 
have made him produce the fruits of the earth for you in as 
great abundance as you would produce them for yourself, I 
will no longer ask, concerning such a man, whether he still re- 
quires any additional good quality ; for an overseer who is 
thus accomplished appears to me to be of the very highest 
value. Do not, however, omit this point, Ischomachus,' said 
I, ' which has been very lightly passed over in our dis- 
course/ 'What is it? 'said Ischomachus. 2. 'You said,' 
replied I, ' that it was a most important matter to learn how 
it is necessary to do every kind of work ; else, if a person 
did not know what he ought to do, and how he ought to do 
it, you observed that there would be no profit even in diligence. 
3. The other observations of yours, Ischomachus,' said I, ' I 
think I understand well enough ; I mean what you said as to 
the mode in which it is proper to instruct the overseer; for 
I seem to comprehend how, as you said, you render him well 
disposed towards you, and careful, and fit to direct others, and 
honest. 4. But as to that which you said besides, that it 
is necessary for him who would attend to agriculture properly 
to learn what he must do, and how he must do it, and at what 
season he must do each particular thing, we seem to have 
passed it over in our conversation somewhat too lightly. 
5. It was as if you should say that he who would be abl6 to 
write down anything dictated to him must know letters, and 


be able to read anything written ; for, after having heard this 
from you, I should have heard that such a person must know 
letters ; but though I should have learned this, I should not, 
on that account, I believe, know anything more of letters myself. 
6. So now, also, I am very well convinced, that he who would 
conduct agriculture properly must understand it; yet, though I 
know this, I do not know at all the more how I must conduct 
agriculture. 7. If I should proceed at once, therefore, to 
manage a farm, I should think myself like a quack, who 
should go about and visit patients without knowing what 
would do them good. That I may not, then, act in such a. 
manner,' added I, 'pray instruct me in the duties of agri- 

8. "Ischomachus then said, 'Do you wish me, Socrates, to 
teach you at once the very art of agriculture itself?' 'As* 
suredly,' said I ; ' for it is an art that renders those who under- 
stand it rich, and leaves those who do not understand it, 
however much they labour in it, to live in poverty.' 9. ' You 
shall now hear, then, Socrates,' said he, 'how friendly the 
character of this art is to mankind ; for, inasmuch as it is 
most useful, most pleasant to pursue, most becoming, and most 
agreeable to gods and men, and as it is also most easy to learn, 
how can it be otherwise than of a noble character ? For 
among animals, I may observe, we call such as are beautiful, 
and large, and serviceable, and gentle to the hand of man, 
noble. 10. Nor is agriculture, Socrates,' continued he, ' so 
difficult to learn as other arts, the students of which must 
almost wear themselves out before they can do enough in them 
to gain support ; but, partly by seeing others at work, partly 
by hearing from them, you may soon learn enough even to 
teach another, if you wish. I think, too,' he added, ' that 
you understand a good deal of it, without being aware; 11. for 
those who practise other arts conceal, in some degree, the 
most important particulars which each knows in his particular 
art ; but, among husbandmen, he who plants trees best will 
be best pleased if another person looks on while he is 
planting, and he who sows best will have the same feeling ; 
and whatever you ask him about anything that is well done, 
he will have no concealments from you as to the way in which 
he did it. 12. So that agriculture is of a nature to render 
those who are occuDied with it extremely generous as to their 

128 accoNOMicus. [ch. 16. 

dispositions.' is. ' The preface,' said I, e is excellent, and 
not of a character to deter him who hears it from questioning 
the speaker ; and do you, as it is easy to learn the art, 
explain it, for that reason, the more fully to me ; for it is not 
unbecoming to you to teach what is easy, but it would be 
highly unbecoming in me net to understand it, especially as 
it is of service.' 


Ischomachus makes remarks on the nature of various soils ; the art of dis- 
tinguishing them ; and the modes and seasons of cleansing and cultivating 

l. "'In the first place, then, Socrates,' said Ischomachus, 
' I wish to let you know, that that point in agriculture which 
those who descant on it very nicely in words, but have no 
practical experience, represent as a matter of great skill, is 
not at all difficult to understand ; for they say that he who 
would practise husbandry successfully ought first to know 
the nature of the soil.' 2. * Yet, surely,' said I, ' they assert 
this not without reason ; for he who does not know what the 
soil can produce, would not know, I suppose, either what he 
ought to sow or what to plant.' 3. ' However,' said Ischoma- 
chus, ' it is possible to ascertain, from looking at one's neigh- 
bour's ground, what it can bear and what it cannot, if we only 
observe the corn and the trees upon it ; and when a person 
has learned this, there is no further use in fighting against 
nature, for he would not obtain a greater supply of provisions 
by sowing or planting what he himself might require, 
than by sowing or planting what the earth would of its own 
accord produce and nourish. 4. But if the land cannot show 
its qualities, through the negligence of those who possess it, 
it is often possible to gain a juster notion of it from an ad- 
joining piece of ground, than to attempt to learn it from a 
neighbour. 5. Even if it be uncultivated, it will still show 
its nature ; for that which produces weeds of average growth 
will, if it is properly tilled, produce also plants of average 
growth. Thus those who are not particularly skilled in agri- 
culture may nevertheless discover the nature of ground.' 


6. 'In this respect, then, Ischomachus,' said I, 'I think that 
I may have sufficient confidence in myself, so that I need not 
abstain from agriculture through fear of not knowing the 
quality of the soil. 7. For I remember, indeed,' added I, 
' what the fishermen do, who, though engaged on the sea, and 
not stopping to view the shore, or even slackening their 
course, but running along by the fields at full sail, yet, when 
they see crops on the ground, do not hesitate to give an 
opinion on it, and to pronounce which part is good and which 
is bad, depreciating one and extolling another ; accordingly, 
I see them express themselves in general respecting the good- 
ness of land in the same manner as those who are ex- 
perienced in agriculture.' 

8. " ' Where, then, would you wish me, Socrates,' said he, 
'to begin to bring to your recollection matters concerning 
agriculture ? for I am sure that I shall tell you a vast number 
of things^ as to the manner in which we must cultivate land, 
when you already know them.' 9. 'I think, Ischomachus,' 
said I, ' that I would gladly learn first of all (for this is what 
most concerns a philosopher), how, by cultivating the earth, 
if I should wish to do so, I may obtain the greatest quantities 
of barley and wheat.' 10. 'Do you know this, then, that we 
must prepare fallow ground 1 for sowing ?' ' I do know it,' 
said I. ii. 'Suppose we should begin, then,' said he, 'to 
plough the ground in the winter ? ' 'It would at that time 
be nothing else but mud,' said I. ' Does it seem proper 
to you to begin in summer, then ? ' ' The soil will be very 
hard at that season,' answered I, 'for the oxen.' 12. ' So it 
appears that we must begin that work in the spring.' ' It is 
likely,' rejoined I, ' that the soil, if moved at that time, will 
be most easily spread.' ' And it is then that the weeds, 
Socrates,' said he, ' being turned up, furnish manure for the 
ground, while they have not yet scattered their seeds, so as to 
produce any fresh weeds. 13. For this also, I think, it must 
be easy for you to understand, that, if ground is to lie fallow 
to good purpose, it ought to be free from weeds, and warmed 
as much as possible by the sun.' ' Certainly,' said I, ' I 
think that such must be the case.' 14. ' And do you think 

1 Neov.] Land on which nothing is sown, and which is to he turned 
up and prepared for being sown. T\tibg rgiiroKoq, " a thrice- ploughed fai- 
.ow." II. xviii. 541. 

vol. in. K 

13,0 CECONOMICUS. L CH - ^' 

that these effects can be better produced by any other means 
than by turning up the land as often as possible during the 
summer ? ' 'I, indeed, am fully aware/ said I, ' that weeds 
cannot be by any means more effectually kept from taking 
root, or dried up by the heat, and that the soil cannot be more 
effectually warmed by the sun, than by turning it up with 
oxen in the middle of summer and in the middle of the day.' 
15. ' Or if men were to make the ground fallow by turning it 
up with the spade,' said he, ' is it not evident that they ought 
to keep the soil and the weeds distinct ? ' l ' And to throw 
the weeds,' added I, ' upon the surface, that they may be 
withered, while they turn up the soil, that the crude part of 
it may be benefited by the warmth.' 


Of sowing, and the proper times for it. Different soils require different 
quantities of seed. Of hoeing and weeding. 

1 " < Concerning the fallowing of the ground, therefore, So- 
crates,' continued Ischomachus, ' you see that the same 
notions are entertained by both of us.' ' They are, certainly,' 
said I. ' About the time of sowing, however, my dear So- 
crates,' continued he, 'have you any other opinion than that 
that is the time for sowing, which men of former days who 
have tried it, and men of the present day who are still trying 
it, have judged to be the best ? 2. For when the autumn is 
come, all men, in a manner, look to the gods, to see when 
they will moisten the earth, and allow them to sow.' * All 
men, indeed, Ischomachus,' said I, ' are determined upon not 
sowing, at least willingly, when the ground is dry ; inasmuch 
as people who had sowed before they were directed by the 
gods, have had to struggle with many disadvantages.' 3. ' On 
these points, then,' said Ischomachus, ' all men are agreed.' 
* Yes,' said I ; 'for as to what the gods teach, it is constantly 
the case that men are of one mind ; for instance, it is thought 

1 Aix« £«t Troitlv.'] To keep the weeds out of the soil } not to let 
them take root in it again. 

§ 4 — 3.] OF SOWING. 131 

by everybody alike that it is better to wear thick clothing in 
the winter, if they can get it ; and it is thought by everybody 
better to burn fire in the winter, if they have wood.' 4. 
* With regard to the time of sowing, however, my dear So- 
crates,' said Ischomachus, ' many are divided in opinion 
as to whether the earliest, or the middle, or the latest, is the 
best.' ' But the gods,' said I, ' do not order the years with 
exact uniformity, so that one year may be best for very early 
sowing, another for middle, another for very late.' 5. 'As 
for yourself, then, Socrates,' said he, ' whether do you think 
it better for a man to fix on one of these times and keep to it, 
whether he has much or little seed to sow, 1 or to begin at the 
earliest period and prolong his sowing throughout the season, 
until the very end of it?' 6. ' To me, indeed, Ischomachus,' 
replied I, ' it appears best to sow a portion at each period ; 2 
for I consider it far better to have a sufficient crop of corn 
every year, 3 than a great deal one year, and not enough 
another.' ' In this, therefore, Socrates,' said he, ' you agree 
with me, the learner with the teacher, and you even give 
your opinion before I have given mine.' 

7. "'But,' said I, ' as to spreading the seed over the ground, 
is there any artful way of doing that?' ' Certainly there is, 
Socrates,' replied he. 'Let us give some consideration to this 
point. That the seed must be thrown from the hand, I suppose 
that you are pretty well aware.' 'Yes, for I have seen 
it thrown,' said I. ' But some men can spread it evenly/ 
said he, ' and others cannot.' ' In this respect, then,' said 
I, ' the hand requires exercise, like that of players on the harp, 
that it may obey the mind.' 8. ' Undoubtedly,' said he ; 
' but what if some sorts of land be lighter, and others hea- 
vier ? ' ' What is this that you say ? ' returned I ; 'do you 
call that lighter which is poorer, and that heavier which is 
richer ? ' ' That is what I mean,' replied he ; ' and I ask 

1 For if a farmer has much seed to sow, he has the greater need to take 
care lest, by trusting to one time for sowing, the favourableness or unfa- 
vourableness of which the future must show, he should lose his seed and 
his labour. Breitenbach. 

2 TiavToq hetexuv tov (nropov.] " Some, thinking it safer, do not sow 
ah their seed early, but make second, third, and even fotirth sowings 
in succession, to guard against the uncertainty of the future." Gtopon. 
U. J 4. 8. Zetine. 

' Ate.] Unoquoque anno. Breitenbach. 

k 2 

132 ceconomicub. [ch. 17. 

you whether you would allow an equa. quantity of seed to 
each sort of land, or, if not, to which you would allow the 
greater quantity?' 9. 'I think it proper,' 1 replied I, 'to 
pour the greater quantity of water into the stronger wine, 
and if there be any burdens to carry, to lay the heavier load 
on the stronger man ; and if I had to maintain a body of men 
in any country, I should require such of the inhabitants as had 
the greater wealth to support the greater number. But 
whether poor land be rendered more productive by putting 
more corn into it, as an ox is, pray inform me/ io. Isehoina- 
chus laughed and said, ' You are jesting, Socrates. Be 
assured of this, however,' he proceeded, ' that if, after you 
have cast seed into the ground, and after the land has received 
much nourishment from the sky, and the green corn has 
grown up from the seed, you then turn up the soil again, the 
crop becomes food to the ground, and vigour is produced in it 
as from the effect of manure ; but if you allow the land to bear 
its crop to maturity, so as to have corn from it, 2 you will see 
that it is difficult for weak land to bring much corn to matu- 
rity ; just as it is difficult for a weak sow to rear a great 
number of large pigs.' n. 'You mean, then, Ischomachus,' 
said I, 'that we must throw the smaller quantity of seed on 
the poorer land.' ' Yes, by Jupiter, Socrates,' replied he, 
1 and you agree with me, as you say that you think it proper 
to lav lighter burdens on whatever animals are weaker.' 

1 2. ' And as to hoers,' said I, ' Ischomachus, for what 
purpose do you send them into the corn ? ' ' You are aware, 
doubtless,' said he, ■ that a great deal of rain falls in the 
winter.' ' Certainly,' said I. ' Let us suppose, then, that 
some portion of the corn is covered by the action of the rain, 
by mud being thrown up on it, and that some of the roots are 
laid bare by the streaming down of the water ; and weeds, we 
may imagine, often spring up under the influence of the rain, 
together with the corn, and choke it.' ' It is quite natural,' 
&aid I, ' that all such things should happen.' 13. ' Does it 
then appear to you.' said he, - that the corn requires any aid 
under such circumstances?' 'Undoubtedly/ I replied. 'By 
what means, then, do you think that people can assist that 
which is covered with mud ? ' By relieving it of its load of 

No/tijw.] Fas dtcco ; rectum esse puto. Breitenbacli, Comp sect. 11 
2 Ei£ »ca v 07r6f.] 1. e. ioait Kapirbv yeveaOai. Breitenbach, 


earth,' said I. * And by what means can they assist that 
which has its roots exposed ? ' ' By throwing up the earth 
on them again,' said I. 14. * And what if weeds should 
spring up with the corn and choke it, and rob it of its proper 
nutriment, as the drones, which are useless beings, rob the 
bees of that which they have prepared and laid up as food for 
themselves ? ' * It would be proper,' said I, ' by Jupiter, to 
root up the weeds, as it is proper to expel the drones from the 
hives.' 15. * May we not be thought, then, with good reason, 
to send hoers l into the corn ? ' ' Undoubtedly,' I replied ; 
' but I am thinking how effective it is to introduce similes in 
our discourse ; for, by mentioning drones, you have excited 
my anger against weeds far more strongly than when you 
spoke of weeds only.' 


-Of reaping, threshing, and winnowing. Socrates acknowledges that agricul- 
ture is easy to be learned. 

l. " * After this, however,' said I, ' the next thing in course 
is reaping. Give me some instruction therefore, if you can, 
with reference to this.' ' Unless you appear,' rejoined he, 
'to know as much about it as myself. You are aware, at least, 
that we must cut the corn.' ' How can I but be aware ?' 
said I. ' When you cut it then,' said he, ' whether do you 
stand on the side from which the wind blows, or opposite to the 
wind?' 'Not opposite, certainly,' said I; 'for it would 
be annoying both to the eyes and to the hands to reap in the 
face of the stalks and ears.' 2 2. ' And would you cut the ears 
off at the top,' said he, ' or cut close to the ground ? ' 'If 
the stalk of the corn were short,' said I, ' I should cut low, 
that the straw might be more serviceable ; but if it were tall, 
I think I should do right to cut it in the middle, in order that 

1 ^KaXsag.] This word tncaXevg means both the instrument and the 
person that uses it. Breitenbach seems inclined to take it in the sense of 
persons in this passage ; and this acceptation seems to suit better with 
sect. 13. 

■ That is, with the stalks and ears blowing in your face. 

134 (ECONOMICUS. [ch. 18. 

the threshers may not have any superfluous trouble, or the 
winnowers anything that they do not want. As to what is 
left on the ground, I think that if it is burned it may improve 
the soil, or, if it is thrown in among the manure, will increase 
the quantity of manure.' 3. ' You see then, my dear So- 
crates,' said he, ' how you are caught in the very fact, and 
convicted of knowing as much about reaping as I myself 
know.' * I seem to do so, at least,' said I, ' and I would 
wish you to examine me whether I also know anything of 
threshing.' ' You know, doubtless, that people thresh their 
corn by means of working beasts.' 4. 'How can I but know?' 
said I ; ' and I know that oxen, mules, and horses are all 
called working beasts alike.' 'Do you think, then, that 
these beasts know anything more than how to tread the corn 
when they are driven round?' 'What else,' said I, 'can 
beasts know ? ' 5. ' But that they may tread out just what 
is necessary, and that the treading may be everywhere equal, 
to whom, Socrates,' said he, 'do you give that in charge ? ' 
' Unquestionably,' replied I, 'to the managers of the thresh- 
ing ; for they, by turning the corn about, and bringing under the 
feet of the beasts, from time to time, that part which is not 
yet trodden, would thus most effectually, doubtless, keep the 
threshing-floor 1 level, and execute the threshing with the 
greatest speed.' 'As to these points, then,' said lie, 'you are 
not behind myself in knowledge.' 

6. "'Then,' said I, ' Ischomachus, we will now proceed to 
clean the corn by winnowing it.' ' And tell me, Socrates,' 
said Ischomachus, 'do you know that if you begin on the 
windy side of the threshing-floor, your chaff will be carried 
over the whole floor?' 'Such must necessarily be the case,' 
said I. 7. 'It is consequently probable that it will fall upon 
the corn,' said he. 'It would indeed be hard,' 2 returned I, 
' for chaff to be carried over the corn into the vacant part of 
the threshing-floor.' 'But if,' said he, 'a person should be- 
gin to winnow at the part opposite to the wind ? ' 'It is 
plain,' said I, ' that the chaff will at once fall into the recep- 

1 I read rbv frivov, a happy emendation of Breitenbach's, who says that 
dlvog means a circular threshing-floor, round which the oxen walked 
as they trod out the corn, referring to iElian, Hist. An. ii. 'Ah, iv. 25 j 
Hesiod, Op. et Di. 595; Herod, ii. 14. 

* Ho\v yom 1(ttiv.\ Magni laboris est. Sturz. Lex 

§ 8, 9.] OF WINNOWING. 135 

tacle for it.' 1 8. 'But when you have cleaned the corn as 
far as the middle of the floor, 2 whether will you winntw away 
the rest of the chaff 3 while the corn is still spread out, or 
after you have collected the cleaned portion of the corn to the 
margin of the floor, 4 into as narrow a space as possible ?* 
* After having collected the cleaned corn, certainly,' said I, 
' so that the chaff may be carried over into the empty part rf 
the floor, and that I may not have to winnow out the same 
chaff >wice.' 9. 'Why, then, Socrates,' said he, 'you might 
even teach another person how corn may be soonest win- 
nowed.' ' These things, therefore,' said I, ' I have known, 
even for a long time, without being aware of my knowledge ; 
and I am considering whether I may not be unconsciously 
possessed of a knowledge of refining gold, of playing on the 
flute, and of painting ; for nobody ever taught me these, any 
more than agriculture ; but I see men practising other arts, as 
I also see them practising that of agriculture.' 5 'Accordingly 
I told you, some time ago,' said Ischomachus, ' that the art of 
agriculture was one of the noblest of arts, inasmuch as it is 
extremely easy to learn.' ' Well,' said I, ' Ischomachus, I 
find that it is so ; since I had gained indeed a knowledge 
of managing grain 6 without being aware that I was possessed 
of that knowledge.' 

1 This receptacle seems to have been some part of the threshing-floor 
between the corn to be winnowed and that which had been winnowed ; a 
part perhaps hollowed out, or in some way parted off. Breitenbach. 

2 Breitenbach supposes that the corn to be cleaned was extended in a 
]ine across the floor, along which line the winnower proceeded. 

3 Id dxvpa to. XotTrd.] By &xvpa, in this passage, Breitenbach under- 
stands the unwinnowed portion of the corn, or the chaff and corn mixed ; 
for he says that the word has three significations, straw, corn and chaff 
mixed, and pure chaff. 

4 JTpoc tov 7r6Xov.] The commentators have not been able to satisfy 
their readers as to the exact signification of ttoKoq in this passage. 
Schneider thought that it signified the circular part in the middle of the 
floor, round which the oxen were driven ; Breitenbach and Portus suppose 
that it means the circumference or extreme edge of the floor. The latter 
Interpretation I have followed. 

* If I have learned agriculture by seeing it practised, why should I not 
have learned other arts by seeing them practised ? 

6 27ropov.] This word here signifies, not only sowing, but the w^ftle 
treatment and management of seed or grain. Breitenbach. 

136 CEOONOMICLS. [ch. 19. 


On the mode of planting trees, especially vines, figs, and olives . Nature 
Caches us, :n many things, how we ought to act, if we will but notice 
what is to be seen around us. 

1. " ' Is planting of trees, too,' said I, ' a part of the art of 
agriculture?' 'Assuredly it is,' replied Ischomachus. 
' How is it then,' said I, ' that I had a knowledge of what 
relates to grain, and have no knowledge of what concerns 
planting of trees?' 2. ' Have you then no knowledge of it ?' 
inquired Ischomachus. ' How can I have any,' rejoined I, 
' when I neither know in what sort of soil 1 ought to plant, 
nor how deep to dig for the tree, 1 nor how wide, nor how deep 
to put the tree in the ground, nor how a tree should be placed 
in the earth so as to grow best.' 3. ' Come then,' said Ischo- 
machus, ' and learn what you do not know. You have seen, I 
presume,' continued he, 'that people dig trenches in the 
ground for trees.' 'I have indeed often seen it,' said I. 
' Have you ever seen any one of them deeper than three feet ?' 
' No, by Jupiter,' replied I, ' nor deeper than two feet and a 
half.' 'And have you ever seen any one more than three 
feet in breadth?' 'No indeed,' said I, 'nor more than 
two feet.' 4. ' Well then,' said he, ' answer me this too ; have 
you ever seen one less than a foot in depth ?' ' No, certain- 
ly,' said I, ' nor less than a foot and a half; for the young 
trees would be uprooted in digging about them, if the roots 
were put so small a distance below the surface.' 5. 'You 
know this well enough, then, Socrates,' said he, * that men 
do not dig for planting deeper than two feet and a half, 
nor less deep than one foot and a half.' ' This, indeed,' 
said I, ' must have fallen under my eyes, being so manifest.' 

6. " ' Well, then,' continued he, ' do you know the drier and 
moister sorts of ground when you see them ?' ' The ground 
about Lycabettus, 2 and such as is similar to it, appears to me, 
at least,' said I, ' to be dry ground ,• and that which is in the 

1 Breitenbach is undoubtedly right in reading r<£ tyvrtft in this passage, 
instead of the common reading to <j>vtov. The correction is supported 
by roTc (pv-oTc immediately following, and by sect. 7. 

1 A hil\ near Athens. 

§ 7 — 11.] OF PLANTING TREES. 137 

Phalerian marsh l and such as resembles it, to be dry.' 7. 
* Whether, then,' said he, ' would you dig a deep pit for a 
tree in a dry soil or in a moist one?' 'In a dry soil, 
assuredly,' answered I; 'for if you dig deep in a wet soil, you 
will come to water, and you will then be unable to plant your 
trees in the water.' ' You seem to me to answer well,' said 
he ; ' but when your pits are dug, have you ever observed 
when- you must plant the several kinds of trees?' 2 8. 
' Certainly,' said I. 3 ' When you wish them to grow up, 
then, as quick as possible, whether do you think that the 
sprout from the cutting of a vine, for instance, if you put it 
under well-dug earth, would shoot up sooner through such 
soft ground, or through undug earth against hard ground ? ' 
' It is evident,' replied I, ' that it would shoot up through 
dug sooner than through undug ground.' 9. ' A layer of 
earth should then be put under the plant?' 4 'How can it 
be otherwise?' said I. 'But whether do you think that if 
you place the cutting quite upright, pointing towards the 
heaven, it would thus take root better, or if you place it a 
little obliquely 5 in the earth thrown in beneath the surface, 
so that it may lie like a gamma turned up?' 6 10. 'In the 
latter way, certainly ; for so there would be more buds under 
the earth ; and as it is from buds that I see shoots spring above 
the ground, I suppose that the buds which are below the 
ground produce also shoots in like manner? And when 
many shoots take root in the ground, I conclude that the plant 
will spring up quickly and with great vigour.' 11. ' Concern - 

1 A marsh in the dij/xog called Phaleros or Phalereus, which was in the 
tribe iEantis. 

3 These words appear to Breitenbach to be corrupt, as it was not 
likely that Ischomachus, after what he had said, would ask Socrates 
when he should plant different kinds of trees, but rather in tohat sort of 
soil he would plant them. He therefore proposes to read birortpa CtJ 
TiQkvai iv tKaTipa[yy~\ to. (pvrd. 

3 All the commentators consider that something is wanting here ; and 
it is probable that Socrates added something to the word /xdAiora. 

4 Oukovv v7ro€\nTfa av sin r<p fyrqi yrj.] " Faut-il mettre sous la 
plunte une couche de bonne terre ? " Gail. 

5 A position which is sanctioned alike by nature and by the agreement 
of writers on the subject. Schneider. 

4 That is, standing on its point at the anple, like the upper part of a Y 
7 Breitenbach very justly reads, ttoWwv li ^voj.ievujv i instead ?i 
mokXuv yap {pvofitvuv, which is in all preceding texts. 

138 (ECONOMICUS. [CH. 19 

ing these points, then,' said he, 'you entertain the same 
notions with myself.' ' But would you merely heap up the 
earth around the plant, or tread it down hard ? ' 'I would 
tread it down,' said I, * assuredly ; for if it were not trodden 
down, I am well aware that the untrodden earth, if wetted by 
rain, would be turned into mud, and, if scorched by the sun, 
would become dry to the very bottom ; so that there would be 
danger lest the roots of the plant, under a prevalence of wet 
weather, should be rotted by damp, or should be scorched up 
in hot weather, from the roots being heated through the dry-; 
ness or porousness of the earth.' 

12. " 'About the planting of vines, then, Socrates,' continued 
he, ' you think in every respect exactly as I do.' ' And 
is it proper,' said I, ' to plant the fig-tree in the same way ? ' 
~* I think so,' said Ischomachus, ' and all other sorts of fruit- 
trees ; 1 for of that which is right with regard to the planting 
of vines, why should you consider any part as inapplicable to 
the planting of other trees?' 13. 'But with respect to the 
olive, Ischomachus,' said I, 'how shall we plant it?' 'You 
are trying me as to this matter also,' replied he, ' when you 
know extremely well ; for you observe, undoubtedly, that a 
deeper trench is dug for the olive, as it is dug chiefly by the 
way-sides ; you observe that there are stumps 2 to each of the 
plants ; and you see that moist earth 3 is laid at the tops of all 
the roots, and that that part of the stem which is at the sur- 
face of the ground is covered.' 14. 'All this I see,' said I. 
' And as you see it,' said he, ' what part of it do you not un- 
derstand ? As to the shell, 4 for instance, my dear Socrates, 
do you not know how to place it on the moist earth ?' ' In- 
deed,' said I, ' Ischomachus, I am ignorant of none of the 
things which you have mentioned ; but I am thinking again 5 

1 Atcpodpva iravra.'] Arbores frugiferas omnes. Leunclavius. The 
word properly meant trees that bore hard-shelled fruits, as nuts, chest- 
nuts, acorns. 

2 Ttpk/xva 7racn toi.q <t>VTivrr}pioiQ.~\ The (pvrevTrjpiov was a sucker or 
quickset ; the 7rps/xvov was the lower part of the stem. 

3 Columella, xii. 2. 42, observes that dung mixed with ashes should be 
put round the stem, over the roots, and covered with moss, to prevent 
the sun from parching - it. 

4 To barpaKov."] " It means whatever was put over the soft matter at 
the root of the plant, whether shells or any other substance." tSturs. Lex, 
Xm 5 Alluding to c. 19. sect. 1. 


how it was that when you asked me briefly, a little while 
ago, 1 whether I understood the planting of trees, I said I did 
not understand it. I did not think, however, that I should 
be able to say anything as to the method of planting trees. 
But when you proceed to question me as to each particular 
point, I answer you. as you say, agreeably to what you, who 
are called a skilful agriculturist, think. 15. Is interrogation, 
then, Ischomachus,' added I, - a mode of teaching ? for I am 
now learning,' said I, 'the several particulars about which 
you question me; since, leading me through what I know, 
and pointing out something similar to it, which I did not 
think that I knew, you persuade me, I imagine, that I know 
that also.' 16. ' Then,' said Ischomachus, ' if I were to ask 
you also about a piece of money, whether it is good or not, 
might I not persuade you that you know how to distinguish 
good from counterfeit money ? Or might I not persuade you, 
by asking you about flute-players, that you know how to play 
on the flute? Or, by asking you about painters, that you 
~know how to paint? and similarly with regard to other 
things.' * ' Perhaps you might,' said I, ' since you have per- 
suaded me that I am skilful in agriculture, although I am well 
aware that nobody has taught me that art.' 17. ' The case is 
quite different from what you suppose, Socrates,' said he, 'but 
it is as I told you some time ago ; agriculture is an art so 
kind and gentle towards mankind, that she readily makes those 
who can see and hear skilful in her pursuits. 18. She herself,' 
continued he, ' gives us many instructions how to attend on 
her with most success. The vine, for example, running up 
trees, wherever it has any tree near it, teaches us how to sup- 
port it ; by spreading out its leaves, while its bunches are yet 
tender, instructs us to cover whatever is at that season ex- 
posed to the sun ; 19. by shedding its leaves when it is time 
for the grapes to become sweet by the sun's influence, 
shows us how to strip it, and promote the ripening of the 
fruit; and by exhibiting, through its great productiveness, 
some bunches at maturity and others still in a crude state, 
admonishes us to gather the fruit from it, as people pluck 
figs from the fig-trees, taking them off in succession as they 
swell into full growth.' 

1 C. 19, sect. . 2. 

140 CECON03IICUS. [ch. 20. 


Socrates expresses his surprise that agriculture, which is so easy to be 
learned, is pursued with so little success by many of those who engage in 
it. Ischomachus shows that the cause of their failure is not in general 
want of knowledge, but want of diligence and care. How the father of 
Ischomachus used to act in farming lands. 

i. " Upon this I observed, * How is it, then, Ischomachus, 
that if matters concerning agriculture are so easy to be learn- 
ed, and all men can alike understand what they ought to do 
in it, all do not pursue it with like success, but some live in 
abundance and have more than they want, while others can- 
not procure even the necessaries of life, but run into debt?' 
2. ' I will tell you,' replied Ischomachus ; ' for it is not know- 
ledge r or want of knowledge, in husbandmen, that causes 
some to be rich and others to be poor ; 3. nor will you ever 
hear a report spread that a farm has been ruined because the 
sower cast his seed unequally, or because the planter did not 
plant his rows of trees straight, or because, being ignorant what 
soil would rear vines, he planted them in a soil unsuitable for 
them, or because the farmer did not know that it is proper to 
prepare ground for sowing by letting it lie fallow, or because 
he did not know that it was good to mix manure with the 
soil. 4. But it is much more common to hear it said, " The 
man gets no subsistence from his ground, for he takes no care 
that seed be sown in it, or that manure be put on it." Or, 
" The man has no wine, for he takes no care to plant vines, 
or that those which are planted may bear him fruit." Or, 
" The man has no olives or figs ; for he takes no care, nor 
uses any effort, to have them." 5. Such are the qualities, 
Socrates,' continued he, * in which husbandmen differ from 
one another and consequently experience different, ortune, 
much more than they differ in seeming to have found out 
some wise or unwise contrivance for doing their work. 
6. So some commanders are more or less successful than 
others in certain military operations, not from difference 
in understanding, but evidently from difference in circum- 
spection ; f>r those things which all commanders, and 
most people who are not commanders, know, some will take 

§ 7 14.] WHY SOME FARMERS FAIL. 141 

care to put in practice, and others will neglect them. 7. For 
instance, all know this, that it is better for men marching 
through an enemy's country to jroceed in good order, so that 
they may come to battle, if it should be necessary, with ad- 
vantage ; but though they are all aware of this, some pay 
attention to it, and some do not. 8. All know that it is best 
to set a watch before the camp day and night ; but some take 
care that this may be done, and others neglect it. 9. It would 
be hard to find a commander who does not know that, when 
his troops are to march through narrow passes, it is better to 
secure commanding positions beforehand, than not to do so; 
but some take the precaution to do this, and others disregard 
it. to. So all agriculturists say of manure, for example, that 
it is an excellent thing for improving the soil, and see that it 
produces itself spontaneously ; yet, though they know exactly 
how it is got, and that it is easy to collect abundance of it, 
some take care that it may be collected, and others take none. 
ii. The gods above send us rain, and all the hollow places be- 
come pools ; the earth produces all manner of weeds, and he 
that would sow must clear his land from them ; and if he 
throws those which he removes out of his way into the water, 
time itself would form them into that material in which the 
ground delights ; for what sort of weeds, and what sort of 
earth indeed, will not become manure in stagnant water ? 
12. And in what respects ground requires improvement, whe- 
ther it be too moist for sowing, or too much impregnated with 
salt for planting, everybody knows, as well as how water is 
drained off by trenches, and how the saltness of soil is cor- 
rected by mixing with it substances free from salt, whether 
moist or dry ; but some attend to these matters, and some do 
not. 13. Or even if a person be utterly ignorant what the 
ground can produce, and has had no opportunity of seeing 
either fruits or plants from it, or even of hearing from any 
one a true description of it, is it not much more easy for any 
one to make trial of the earth than of a horse or of a man ? 
for it exhibits nothing for the purpose of deceit, but sets forth 
plainly and truly, with the utmost simplicity, what it can do 
and what it cannot. 14. The earth seems to me to distinguish 
very effectively the idle and the diligent among mankind, by 
rendering everything easy to be known and learned ; for it is 
not possible in regard to agriculture, as it is in regard to other 

142 (ECONOMICUS. |"cit. 20. 

Arts, for those who do not practise it to excuse themselves by 
saying that they do not know it ; for all know respecting the 
e;arth, that when it is well treated it makes a good return. 
15. But idleness in regard to agriculture 1 is a sure proof of a 
base mind ; for no one can persuade himself that a man can 
live without food, and he that neither knows any other lucra- 
tive art, nor is willing to cultivate the ground, gives evident 
proof that he meditates to live by stealing, or plundering, or 
begging, or that he is altogether out of his senses.' 16. He 
observed, too, that it made a great difference as to agriculture 
being profitable or unprofitable, when, where several work- 
men are employed, one farmer takes care that his workmen 
may be the full time at their work, and another is neglectful 
of this point ; ' for one workman,' said he, ' easily makes a 
difference in the labour of ten, by working his full time, and 
another makes a difference in it by leaving his work before 
the end of his time. n. And to allow men to loiter over their 
work through the whole day may plainly make a difference 
of half in the whole complement of work. 18. Just as in 
travelling along a road, two men have sometimes made a dif- 
ference between them of a hundred stadia in two hundred, 
through difference in speed, though both were young and in 
good health, as the one persevered in proceeding on the 
object for which he had started, and the other was irresolute 
in mind, and rested himself by fountains and in the shade, 
losing himself in contemplation, and courting gentle breezes. 
19. So in regard to work, those labourers who apply to that 
to which they are appointed, and those who do not, but who 
find pretexts for not exerting themselves, and allow them- 
selves to trifle away their time, exhibit a great difference in 
the execution of it. 20. To perform work well, or to attend 
to it insufficiently, makes as much difference as to be wholly 
industrious or wholly idle. When men are digging the 
ground, for instance, 2 in order that vines may be cleared of 

1 'AW i) tv ytivpyig, lari, k. r. X.] Sc. Tkyyr\. This is the common 
reading ; but it has never satisfied the critics in general. Various emend- 
ations have been proposed. Breitenbach omits the r\. Zeune and Schaefer 
would read 'AW t] yeojpyia, to which Schneider does not object. But 
Jacobs very happily conjectures 17 iv ytwpyig. dpyia, which Kerst ap- 
proves, and which I have followed. 

2 "Ojcv aKairT6vT<DV.~\ Breitenbach thinks that we should read oloy 
«ka*. 2ica7rrovrwv is the genitive absolute. Comp. Cyrop. i : i. 3. 54. 

§ 21—25.] CHOICE OF LAND. 143 

weeds, and dig in such a manner that the weeds spring \ip 
in greater numbers and vigour than before, how can you say 
that such work is anything but idleness? 1 21. Such are the 
causes, then, that ruin households, much more than extreme 
want of knowledge; for when outgoings proceed constantly 
from the family resources, and work is not done with such profit 
as to balance the demands, we must no longer wonder if such 
a state of things produces want instead of abundance. 

22. " ' For those who are able to attend to their affairs, 
however, and who will apply themselves to agriculture ear- 
nestly, my father both practised himself, and taught me, a 
most successful method of making profit ; 2 for he would never 
allow me to buy ground already cultivated, but exhorted me 
to purchase such as, from want of care or want of means in 
those who had possessed it, was left untilled and unplanted ; 
23. as he used to say that well-cultivated land cost a great 
sum of money, and admitted of no improvement, and he con- 
sidered that land which was unsusceptible of improvement 
did not give the same pleasure to the owner as other land ; 
but he thought that whatever a person had or brought up, that 
was continually growing better, afforded him the highest gra- 
tification. But nothing exhibits greater improvement than 
ground, when it is brought from a state of neglect into one 
of complete fertility. 24. For be assured, my dear Socrates,' 
continued he, ' that I myself have already made several pieces 
of ground worth many times their former value ; and while 
this mode of proceeding is of such importance, it is also 
so easy to learn, that, now you have once heard it, you will 
go away as skilful in it as myself, and will communicate it, if 
you think proper, to some other person. 25. My father, in- 
deed, neither learned it from anybody himself, nor was at 
great pains in finding it out ; but he used to say that from 
his love of agriculture, and devotion to labour, he was fond 
of having land of that nature, in order that he might have 
something to do, and find pleasure and profit at the same 
time ; for my father, Socrates,' added he, ' was naturally, as 
I consider, the most devoted to agriculture of all the inhabit- 

1 Tlu>g ovTuQ ovk apybv hv Qrjaaig iivai ;] With apybv Weiske un« 
derstands tovto to tp d&crOai, and observes that the expression is an 
oxymoron. Breitenbach understands ovru) aKa-nrtiv, 
8 'A vvTi.Kb)Ta.Triv xpVH- aTl<7lv -1 Qutpstiwi qui maximejuvat 3reitenba».jh, 

144 (ECONOMICS S. [CH. 'JO. 

ants of Athens.' 26. Hearing him say this, I then put thi9 
question to him : ' Whether did your father, Ischomachus 
keep possession of all the farms that he thus improved, or did 
he sell them, if he could get a good price for them ? ' ' He 
sold them, I must tell you,' replied Ischomachus; 'but he im- 
mediately bought other land instead of them, and uncultivated 
too, on account of his fondness for labour.' 27. ' You say, 
then, Ischomachus,' returned I, ' that your father was by na- 
ture really not less fond of cultivating the ground than corn- 
merchants are of getting corn ; for these traders, from their 
strong desire of obtaining grain, sail in quest of it wherever 
they hear that it is most abundant, crossing over the JEgean, 
Euxine, and Sicilian Seas ; and when they have got as much 
as they can, they bring it away over the water, stowing it in 
the vessel in which they themselves sail. 28. And when they 
are in want of money, they do not dispose of their freight at 
hazard, or wherever they may happen to be ; but wherever 
they hear that corn will fetch the highest price, and that men 
set the greatest store by it, they carry it thither and offer it 
them for sale. In a similar way your father seems to have 
been eminently fond of agriculture.' To this Ischomachus 
replied, ' You are jesting, Socrates ; but I, nevertheless, con- 
sider those to be fond of architecture who build houses and 
sell them, and then build others.' * I indeed swear to you 
by Jupiter,' replied I, ' that I believe you, and think 1 that 
all men naturally love those things from which they suppose 
that they will get profit.' 

1 'II \ii]V TTtOTtvtiv trot (pvcrsi vofii&iv, k. t. X.] Before ipvaei we 
must understand wore. In conformity with this acceptation of the pas- 
sage, Steger proposes to read vojxiZ,ojv. Leunclavius and some others 
have thought that at should be supplied before vopiZtiv. But this seems 
inconsistent with what precedes. Socrates previously intimated that lie 
thought Ischomachus's father was fond of agriculture as a corn-merchant 
is fond of corn, namely, because he gets profit by it ; and he now con- 
cludes by vowing that he thinks all men like thit from which they get 



Socrates expresses his satisfaction at the information whicn Ischomathus* 
had given him. Ischomachus observes that the art of ruling and direct- 
ing others, which is of the utmost importance in agriculture, as well as in 
other great undertakings, is difficult of attainment. It cannot be wholly 
learned from others, or attained thoroughly, unless there be great natural 
ability, power of self-control, and something of divine magnanimity. 

1. " 'I am thinking, Ischomachus,' continued I, ■ how ad- 
mirably you have adapted your whole train of argument te 
support your proposition ; for you laid it down as a fact that 
the art of agriculture was the most easy to be learned of all 
arts ; and I am now convinced, i'rom everything that you 
have said, that such is indisputably the case.' 2. ' Very 
well,' said Ischomachus, 'but as to that which is common to 
all pursuits, whether agricultural, or political, or domestic, or 
military, namely, that he who would excel in them must be 
capable of directing others, I entirely agree with you, So- 
crates, 1 that some persons greatly excel others in judgment ; 
3. as we see in a galley,' continued he, ' when the crew are 
out at sea, and have to accomplish a certain distance in the 
course of the day, some of the celeustse 2 can act and speak in 
such a manner as to excite the spirits of the men to voluntary 
exertion, while others are so dull that the rowers take more 
than double the time in performing the same course. The 
one party, as well the celeustes as those who are directed by 
him, go on shore covered with perspiration, and praising one 
another, while the other party arrive indeed unfatigued, but 
detesting their officer, and detested by him. 4. So among ge- 
nerals,' added he, ' one differs from another in the same 
♦vay ; for some bring out troops that are unwilling to expose 
themselves either to toil or to danger, thinking it of no im- 
portance, and testifying no readiness, to obey their com- 
mander, except so far as is absolutely necessary, or even 

1 See c. 13, sect. 4. 

2 We have no English word for the iceXeverr^f in an ancient galley. He 
was the man who, by voice or signal, or both, gave time to the rowers. 
Virgil calls him hortator, JfLn. hi. 128; and he was sometimes termed 
portisculus and pausariu* He was somewhat similar to the modesn 

vol. in L 

146 CECONOMICTJS. [ch. 21. 

faking a pride in opposing his wishes ; and such generals 
produce soldiers that, whatever disgrace happens to them, are 
incapable of feeling the least shame at it. 3. But noble, ex- 
cellent, and skilful commanders will render these very same 
troops, and often others which they unite with them, ashamed 
to do anything dishonourable, and convinced that it is better 
to obey orders ; taking delight individually in showing obedi- 
ence, and exerting themselves collectively, without the least 
reluctance, whenever exertion is requisite. 6. As there ap- 
pears in certain private individuals, indeed, a liking for la^ 
bour, so there is produced in a whole army, by the influence 
of good officers, a love of exertion, and an ambition of being 
seen by their commander while they are executing any hon- 
ourable achievement. 7. And commanders, towards whom 
those who follow them are thus affected, become emi- 
nently powerful ; and these, assuredly, are not such as keep 
their own bodies in better condition than those of their men, 
or hurl javelins or use the bow best, or have the best horses, 
or even offer themselves to danger before others as the best 
horsemen or targeteers, but such as can inspire their troops 
with the conviction that they must follow them even through 
fire or any peril whatever. 8. Such commanders, whom num- 
bers follow with such sentiments, we may justly call men of 
powerful minds ; the general may be truly said to march 
with a strong arm, whose will so many arms are willing to 
obey ; and he is in reality a great man who is able to execute 
great things rather by strength of mind than by strength of 
body. 9. So in private occupations, whether it be a bailiff or 
a foreman 1 that gives directions, he that can render those 
under him zealous, energetic, and diligent at their work, is 
the man that directs their efforts to advantage, and produces 
abundance of profit. 10. And if, when the master, who has 
the power to punish the idle and to reward the industrious 
among his workmen in the highest degree, shows himself in 
the field, the men exhibit no extraordinary exertion, I should 
certainly feel little esteem for him ; but one at whose appear- 
ance they put themselves in motion, and by whom an increase 

1 'RiriTpoirog l7rt<rrar»7£.] 'E7nVpo7ro£, says Sturz in his Lexicon, 

appears to have been a chief slave or freedman, who overlooked agricul- 
tural labourers ; €7ri<rrar?;c, a freebom citizen, who had the charge ol auy 
work whatever. Breitenbach adopts this interpretation. 

§ II, 12.] ART OF RULING. 147 

of spirit is produced in each of his servants, with an emula- 
tion of one another, and an ambition which has the best effect 
on every one, I should regard as having something of a kingly 
character. 11. Such influence is of the greatest importance, 
as it seems to me, in every pursuit, when anything is to be 
effected by means of a number of men, and in agriculture as 
well as in any other occupation. Yet I do not say, assuredly, 
that it is possible to acquire such a talent by once seeing it 
exercised, or by hearing of it once; but I affirm that he who 
would be able to do such duties efficiently has need of in- 
struction, and should be of a happy natural disposition, 1 and, 
what is of the most importance, should have something of the 
divine nature. 12. For this art of ruling over willing subjects 
appears to me by no means human merely, but to have in it 
a portion of the divinity ; and it is evidently accorded only to 
those who are truly accomplished in the duties of wisdom. But 
to tyrannize over rebellious subjects, the gods assign, as it 
seems to me, to those whom they think deserving to live as 
Tantalus is said to live in Tartarus, perpetually in dread lest 
he should die a second time." 2 

1 Ativ <pv<rt(i)£ ayaQriq V7rap%ai.\ The genitive, observes Breiten- 

bach, is governed by 3elv , and the infinitive is attached as in Eurip. Med. 
1399 : XP 1 ?^ GTOfiaTOQ 7raw<ov 7rpo<nrTv%acrQai. The exact sense there- 
fore is, " there is need of a good disposition to be," to be in the indi- 

* By being crushed by the fall of the stone sopended over his head. 




The Banquet described by Xenophon was held at the house of 
Callias at Athens, to celebrate the victory of the youth Autolycus, 
a favourite of Callias, in the pancratium, in the fourth year of the 
eighty-ninth Olympiad, b. c. 424. Xenophon himself was present 
at it, as he states at the commencement of the first chapter. 
The speakers in the conversation held at the Banquet are, 
1. Callias, a wealthy Athenian, much given to luxury and licen- 
tiousness. At the time of the Banquet he had just come into pos- 
session of great property on the death of his father Hipponicus, 
He commanded the heavy-armed infantry of the Athenians when 
Iphicrates defeated the Spartans, B. c. 392. About twenty years 
afterwards he was one of the commissioners deputed by the Atheni- 
ans to negotiate a peace with the Lacedsemonians, as related by 
Xenophon, Hellen. vi. 3, on which occasion Xenophon attributes 
to him a speech of much more sound than sense. Socrates is made 
to give him excellent advice in the Banquet, but it had little effect 
on him ; for he continued to waste his substance in ostentatious 
luxury, until he was reduced to absolute want, as appears from 
Athenseus, xii. p. 537, and Lysias pro Aristoph. Bon. sect. 50. 
In the Protagoras of Plato, the scene of which is also laid at his 
house, he is represented in much the same light as in the Banquet 
of Xenophon. 

2. Autolycus, a handsome youth, the son of Lycon. A statue 
of him by Leochares was placed in the Prytaneum at Athens, as 
mentioned by Pliny, H. N. xxxiv. 8, and Pausanias, Att. c. 18, 
and Boeot. c. 32. 

3. Lycon, the father of Autolycus. Nothing more is known of 


4. Niceratm, a friend of Callias, recently married. He speaks 
of himself as being accounted somewhat avaricious, and as having 
learned by heart all the poems of Homer. He is supposed to have 
been put to death by the Thirty Tyrants. 

5. Socrates. 

6. Antisthenes, a friend and disciple of Socrates, greatly attached 
to him. He was the founder of the sect of the Cynics. 

7. Hermogenes, a nephew of Callias, and a man of great honour 
and virtue. He had been possessed of property in land, but had 
lost it in the wars between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, 
and was reduced to poverty. He is highly commended by Socrates 
in the Memorabilia, ii. 10. 

8. Critobulus, the son of Crito. He was newly married, but 
licentious and extravagant, as appears in the second chapter. 

9. CJiarmides, son of Glaucon, and cousin to Critias, a young 
man of handsome person and great ability, but of excessive diffi- 
dence, which unfitted him for taking any efficient part in public 
affairs. Yet he was one of those who were appointed to govern 
the Peiraeeus under the Thirty Tyrants, and was killed in a 
skirmish with Thrasybulus, as related by Xenophon, Hellen. ii. 
4. 19. 

10. Philippus, a buffoon, who was not invited, but who re- 
quested, after the feast was begun, to be admitted to entertain the 

11. A man of Syracuse, accompanied by a girl and boy who 
played on the flute and the lyre, and another girl who danced 
and performed tricks. 

Xenophon does not mention anything said by himself at the 
Banquet. He appears to have been about twenty at the time that 
a took, place. See the " Biographical Notice" of Xenophon. 



Occasion of the Banquet. Socrates and his friends invited to it by Calliaa. 
The company admire the beauty of Autolyeus. Philippus, a buffoon, who 
requests to be allowed to entertain the company, is admitted. 

1. But 1 it appears to me that not only what is done by 
honourable and virtuous men in the serious transactions of 
life is worthy of record, but also what they do in their hours 
of amusement ; and some occurrences at which I was present, 
and from which I form this opinion, I design to relate. 

2. At the great festival of Minerva 2 there was a cele- 
bration of equestriar eames ; and Callias, the son of Hippo- 
nicus, having a great affection for Autolyeus, who was still 
quite a boy, took him, after he had gained the victory in the 
pancratium, to the spectacle. When the equestrian games 
were over, he took Autolyeus and his father with him, and 
went away to his house at the Peiraeeus ; and Niceratus ac- 
companied him. 3. Happening to see, however, Socrates, 
Critobulus, Hermogenes, Antisthenes, and Charmides dis- 
coursing together, he desired one of his people to conduct 
Autolyeus and his friends to his house, while he himself went 
up to Socrates and his party, and said, 4. " I have met with you 
at a very fortunate time ; for I am going to have Autolyeus 

1 This piece commences very abruptly, and as if it had been attached 
to something else. 

2 'IIv fikv yap Uava6t]vai(t)v ru>v /aeyaXtov i7T7ro^po/^ia.] There were 
two festivals to Minerva, called Panatheneea, the lesser celebrated every 
year, and the greater every fifth year. 


and his father for my guests, and I think that my enter- 
tainment will appear far more splendid, if the dining-room l be 
graced with men of refined minds, 2 such as yourselves, than 
if it be filled with generals, captains of horse, and candidates 
for office." 3 

5. Socrates replied, " You are always jesting upon us, and 
making light of us, because you have given large sums of 
money to Protagoras, and Gorgias, and Prodicus, and many 
others, to learn wisdom from them ; while you see that we 
are but workers for ourselves in the pursuit of wisdom." 

6. " Hitherto, also," 4 replied Callias, " I used to conceal from 
you much that I had to say, which was full of wisdom ; but 
now, if you will come with me, I will show you that I am a 
person deserving of very great consideration." 

7. Those who were with Socrates thanked him first of all, 
as was proper, for his invitation, but did not make any pro- 
mise to sup with him. As he showed, however, that he should 
be much displeased if they did not go with him, they accom- 
panied him ; and soon afterwards his other guests, 5 some of 
whom had been exercising and perfuming themselves, and 
others bathing, began to arrive. 8. Autolycus seated himself 6 
next to his father, and the others took their places on the 
couches in suitable order. 7 

1 *0 avdpow.'] The apartment in which the men assembled, as distin- 
guished from those appointed for the women. 

2 'EKtctKaQapn'svoiQ tclq y\jv%ag.~] Purified or polished as to their minds. 
" A metaphor," says Weiske, " from the polishing of metals." 

3 "Sl7rovddpx^ l €-] Not only persons seeking employment when they 
nave none, but persons seeking employment in addition to what they 
have. Weiske. 

* Callias jestingly assents to what Socrates had said, and adds some- 
thing to it, to render the party more desirous to hear what he had to say. 

5 I have inserted the words " other guests." What is said plainly re- 
fers, as Schneider observes, not to Socrates and those who accompanied 
him, but to the other guests of Callias. There were several present, who, 
like Xenophon, are not mentioned as having taken any part in the con- 

6 The word ticaOLZeoTO is applied to Autolycus, and KareK\iO?j(rav to 
the other guests ; because, as Weiske remarks, the younger and inferior 
3f the company at entertainments sat, but the others reclined. In proof 
^f this he refers to Plutarch's Symposium ; Sueton. Claud, c. 32 ; Tacit. 
Ann. xiii. 16 ; and to Potter's Archaeol. Gr. iv. 20. 

7 "QmriQ eikoi,.] Ernesti was dissatisfied with these words ; observing 
that they are hardly ;ver used in the sense of uxjirep trir^cv tie sense ia 

152 THE BANQUET* [CH. 1. 

Whoever then had observed what immediately took place 
would have thought that beauty was naturally something 
kingly, especially if a person possessed it in conjunction with 
bashfulness and modesty, as Autolycus possessed it at that 
time ; 9. for, in the first place, as a brilliant light, when it 
appears in the darkness of the night, attracts the eyes of 
every one towards it, so the beauty of Autolycus drew upon 
him the gaze of all on that occasion ; and there was no one of 
those who looked upon him that did not feel some impression 
produced on their feelings by him. Some grew silent, and 
others composed themselves into a settled kind of attitude. 
10. All, doubtless, who are inspired by any god whatever 
appear objects worthy of attention ; but those who are in- 
spired by other divinities are so influenced as to assume a 
sterner look, to speak in a tone that impresses with awe, and 
to exhibit gestures of greater vehemence ; while such as are 
excited by the gentler influence of Love assume more of 
affection in their looks, sink their voice into greater softness, 
and manifest in their gestures greater nobleness of soul ; 
and as Callias then exhibited such indications under the 
influence of love, he was an object of admiration to all who 
were initiated in the mysteries of that god. 

H. They were proceeding with their supper in silence, as 
if it had been imposed upon them by some superior power, 
when Philippus, a jester, knocking at the door, requested him 
who answered it to announce who he was, and why he wished 
to be entertained there, saying that he had come prepared 
with everything necessary for supping at another person's 
house ; and adding that his servant was in great trouble, as 
he had brought nothing, and was without his dinner. 12. 
Callias, on hearing this message, said, " It would be unbe- 
coming, my friends, to grudge him the shelter of a roof; let 
him therefore enter/' At the same time he cast his eyes on 
Autolycus, to ascertain, as was evident, what he might think 
of jesting. 1 13. But Philippus, presenting himself in the 

which they must here he taken, if they are allowed to stand. He would 
therefore read tog trv^ov, or 6ik/J, or something similar. Schneider trans- 
fers the words to another place, after 6jca0t4*-o. Dindorf adheres to the 
usual reading. 

1 What effect it was likely that the buffoonery of Philippus would 
produce upon him, as he may be supposed, from being so young, luvej 
to have seen anything of the kind before. Schneider. 

§ 13 — 16.] buffoonery of rHiuprus. 153 

room where the entertainment was held, said, " That I am a 
jester you all know ; and I come boldly before you, thinking 
that it is more of a jest to come uninvited to a feast than in- 
vited." " Take your place on a couch, then," said Callias ; 
" for those who are present are full of seriousness, as you see, 
and may perhaps be in want of amusement." 

14. As they went on with the entertainment, Philippus pro- 
ceeded without delay to give utterance to something jocular, 
that he might fulfil the object for which he was invited to 
feasts on all occasions. But as he could not excite even a 
smile, he was evidently much troubled ; and a little after he 
made a second attempt to say something ludicrous. But as 
they did not even then laugh at what he said, he grew silent 
in the middle of the entertainment, and sat with his garment 
thrown over his head. is. Callias immediately said, " What 
is this, Philippus? Has any sudden pain seized you?" 
" Yes, by Jupiter, Callias," said he with a groan ; " and s 
great pain ; for, as laughter is banished from among men, my 
employment is at an end ; since, heretofore, I was invited to 
feasts in order that the guests might be amused with laughter 
through my means ; but now with what view will any one 
invite me ? for I should no more be able to talk seriously than 
to make myself immortal ; and certainly no one will invite 
me in the expectation of being invited in return, since it is 
unusual for any entertainment ever to be brought into my 
house." As he said this, he wiped his eyes, and evidently 
appeared, by his tone of voice, to be weeping. 16. They all 
then began to console him, signifying that they were likely to 
laugh again, and bade him go on with his meal ; while Crito- 
bulus laughed heartily at the commiseration expressed for 
him. Philippus, when he heard the laugh, uncovered his 
face, and exhorting his soul to take courage, as there would 
yet be engagements 1 for him, resumed his eating. 

1 2v/xj8o\a«'.] In exhorting himself to take courage, he plays on the 
ambiguity of the word avfifiokai, winch means either engagements in 
% field of battle or engagements : contribute to a feast 

154 THE BANQUET. ' CH. 2. 


A Syracusan, with, two girls and a boy, exhibits vai ous feats to entertain 
the company. Callias proposes to introduce perfumes ; Socrates dissuades 
him, and makes some remarks on the subject. While one of the girls 
astonishes the company by her dancing, Socrates observes that the female 
mind is susceptible of eultivation. He then discusses with Antisthenes 
the question whether virtue can be taught, and enlarges on the advant- 
ages of learning to dance. Buffoonery of Philippus. 

1. When the tables had been removed, and the company 
had made their libations and sung the paean, 1 a man of Syra- 
cuse came in to divert them, bringing with him a girl that 
played excellently on the flute, and a dancing-girl, one of 
those that can perform wonderful feats ; he had also an ex- 
tremely handsome boy, that could play on the lyre and dance 
with the utmost grace. He was in the practice of showing 
these children as wonders, and receiving money for the exhi- 
bition. 2. When the girl had played to them on the flute, and 
the boy on his lyre, and both of them appeared to please the 
company greatly, Socrates said, " By Jupiter, Callias, you 
entertain us excellently ; for you have not only given us a 
banquet of perfect faultlessness, but you present us with the 
highest gratifications for our eyes and our ears." 3. " What, 
then," said Callias, " if they should bring us also in some 
perfumes, that we may be gratified with fragrant odours ? " 
" By no means/' rejoined Socrates ; " for as one sort of dress 
is becoming to a woman, and another to a man, so one kind 
of odour is suitable to a man, and another to a woman ; and 
certainly no man perfumes himself for the sake of another 
man ; but women, especially if they are newly married, 2 as the 

1 As pcean, though it properly signified a hymn to Apollo, was used in 
a general sense for a hymn to any deity, I should consider that the paean 
sung on the present occasion was addressed to Minerva, in honour of 
whom the feast of the Panatheneea was celebrated. Weiske. 

8 As women use perfumes themselves, says Zeune, they may wish to 
be regaled with a pleasant perfume from their husbands. Women newly 
married appear to have been thought by Socrates to be more nice in this 
respect than those who had been married some time. Schneider reads, 
with Casaubon and Henry Stephens, /xvpov p.kv ri koi wpoadeovTai ; in- 
terrogatively, which is equivalent, he observes, to fivpov ov TrpoaSLosrut, 
But this seems hardly to suit the drift of the passage-. Dindorf read* 
vpoadkoivT av, without interrogation. 

§ 1 — 8.] OF HONOUR AND VIRTUE, 155 

wives of Niceratus and Critobulus here, may like something 
of perfume, as they themselves cast a perfume around them ; 
while to men the smell of oil from the gymnasia is more 
pleasing, if in use with them, than that of perfumes to women, 
and, if disused, is more eagerly desired. 4. Every one who 
has anointed himself with perfumes, whether a slave or a free 
man, casts a scent alike; but the odour of honourable exer- 
cises must be the offspring of much practice and time, if it is 
to be sweet and worthy of freeborn men. ,, 

5. Lycon then observed, " Such odours may be for young 
men ; but what odour ought we, who no longer frequent the 
gymnasia, to exhale?" "That of honour and virtue, as- 
suredly," said Socrates. " And whence can a person get such 
a perfume ?" " Not, certainly, from the sellers of perfumes," 
replied Socrates. " From whence, then ? " •' Theognis has 

'EffOXuiv fitv yap air scrOXd fiidd%eai' rjv dk Kaitoiai 
^VfJifiicryyg, diroXtig Kal tov iovra voov. 

' From the good you will learn what is good ; but if you 
associate with the bad, you will lose whatever understanding 
is in you.'" "Do you hear that, my son?" asked Lycon. 
" Yes, assuredly," said Socrates, " and he profits by such in- 
struction ; for when he wished to become victor in the pan- 
cratium, having consulted with you, 1 * * * * again, who- 
ever shall seem to him to be most fit for giving instruction in 
these pursuits, he will become his pupil." 6. Here many 
spoke ; and one of them said, " Where then will he find a 
master for this accomplishment?" 2 Another said, " That it 
could not even be taught;" and another, that "if anything 
could be learned, this could." 7. Socrates however said, 
" Since then this is a matter for controversy, let us put it off 
to another time ; and let us at present conclude what is before 
us ; for I see that dancing-girl standing waiting, and some- 
body bringing in hoops for her." 

8. Upon this, the other girl began to play on the flute to 
her ; and a person who stood by the dancing-girl handed her 
hoops to the number of twelve ; and she, taking them, began 

1 Some words are lost here. 

2 The attainment of virtue, to which Socrates seems to have alluded in 
the words that have fallen out of the text. 

1.56 THE BANQUET* [CII 2, 

to dance, and, at the same time, threw up the hoops, which 
kept whirling round, guessing how high she must throw them, 
so as to catch them in time with the music. 9. Socrates ob- 
served, "From many other things, my friends, and from what 
this girl is now doing, it is apparent that the talent of women 
is not at all inferior to that of men, though they are wanting 
in bodily vigour 1 and strength ; so that whosoever of you has 
a wife, let him teach her with confidence whatever he would 
wish to have her know." 10. " How is it, then, my dear So- 
crates," said Antisthenes, " that, if you think thus, you do not 
also educate Xanthippe, instead of having a wife the most ill- 
conditioned of all women that are in existence, and, as I be- 
lieve, of all that ever were and ever will be ? " " Because," 
replied Socrates, " I see that those who wish to be skilled in 
horsemanship do not choose the best-tempered horses, but 
those of high mettle ; for they think that if they can master 
such animals, they will easily manage any other horses. So 
likewise I, wishing to converse and associate with mankind, 
have chosen this wife, well knowing that if I shall be able to 
endure her, I shall easily bear the society of all other people." 
This remark was thought to have been made by no means 
inapplicably. 2 

11. Soon afterwards a hoop was brought in, stuck round 
with swords standing upright. Into the midst of these swords 
the dancing-girl leaped head foremost, and sprang out head 
foremost over them, so that the spectators were struck with 
terror, lest she should be hurt ; but she continued to perform 
these feats with boldness and without injury. 12. Socrates 
then called to Antisthenes, and said, " I do not think that 
those who witness this exhibition will hereafter be disposed to 
deny that courage may be taught, when this person, woman 
as she is, throws herself so courageously into the midst of 
swords." 13. " Would it not then be an excellent thing for 
this Syracusan," replied Antisthenes, "to exhibit his dancing- 
girl to the whole city, and announce that he will qualify 

1 All the editions, except the small one of Tauchnitz, have yvojfirjg cl 
Kai iffxvog. Of yv(vjxrjg no commentator has known what to make. The 
Latin translators have rendered it by consilium. I have adopted p^urjQ, 
with Tauchnitz's editor, from a conjecture of Lange. 

2 Ovk cnrb toTj (tkottov.] " Not wide of the mark." It was thought, 
says Schneider, an excellent reply to the question of Antisthenes. 

§ !4 — 18.] ADVANTAGES OF DANCING. 15? 

all the Athenians, if they will give him money, to march full 
tilt against the lances of the enemy?" 14. "By Jupiter," 
exclaimed Philippics, " I should like to see Peisander, 1 the 
popular orator, learning how to run full butt upon swords, 
who now, from being unable even to look upon weapons, de- 
clines to take the field with his fellow-citizens." 

15. The boy then began to dance ; and Socrates remarked, 
" See how this boy, naturally beautiful as he is, nevertheless 
appears still more beautiful when he puts himself into grace- 
ful attitudes than he appeared when he was at rest." " You 
seem to me," rejoined Charmides, " to be inclined to praise 
the master who taught Him to dance." io. " Such is the case, 
indeed," replied Socrates, " for I was thinking even of some- 
thing more ; I mean that no part of the body is inactive in 
dancing, but that the neck, and the legs, and the hands, are 
alike exercised, so that he who would have his body improved 
in suppleness should learn to dance ; and I," he continued, 
addressing himself to the Syracusan, " would gladly learn the 
movements of the dance from you." 17. "What profit, then, 
will you gain from them ?" asked the Syracusan. "I shall 
dance, certainly," replied Socrates. At this reply all the 
company laughed. But Socrates, with a very serious coun- 
tenance, said, " Do you laugh at me ? Is it then for this 
reason, that I wish, by exercise, to enjoy better health, or to 
eat and sleep with greater pleasure, or because I desire such 
a kind of exercise, that it may not be with me as with the 
runners in the foot-race, who become stout in the legs and 
narrow in the shoulders, or as with boxers, who become 
broad in the shoulders and thin in the legs, but that, exercis- 
ing my whole body, I may render every part equally strong ? 
1 8. Or do you laugh at this, that I shall be under no necessity of 
seeking for a companion in my exercise, or to unrobe myself, 
being an old man, before a number of people, but that an 
apartment which will hold seven couches 2 will be large 
enough for me (as this apartment has now been sufficient for 
this boy to heat himself even to perspiration), and that I 

1 Philippus doubtless means the factious demagogue who promoted 
the establishment of the four hundred. — See Thucyd. viii. 53. Bach. 

2 07/coc kirraKkivoq.'] OTkoq is here used in the sense of a room or 
apartment, as oiojjwa immediately afterwards. The size of an apartment 
was expressed by the number of couches that it would conveniently 'told* 

158 THE BANQUET. [CH. 2. 

shall exercise myself under a roof in the winter, or, when 
heat in the summer is excessive, in the shade of the trees r 
19. Or do you laugh at this, that, having a belly somewhat 
larger than is becoming, I wish to reduce it to a more mode- 
rate size ? Do you not know that Charmides here found mo 
dancing one morning lately ? " " Yes, indeed," said Char- 
mides, " and at first I was astonished, and feared that you 
were mad ; but when I heard from you something similar 
to what you are now saying, I went home, and there — I did 
not indeed dance, for I never learned to dance, — but I waved 
my arms about, 1 for that I knew how to do." 20. " Un- 
doubtedly," observed Philippus, " since you appear to have 
legs of equal weight with your shoulders, so that if you should 
present yourself to be weighed, the lower parts against the 
upper, by the stewards of the market, as people bring loaves 
to be weighed, 2 you seem likely to escape being fined." 
'■ Call me in, then, my dear Socrates," said Callias, " when 
you are going to learn to dance, that I may stand opposite to 
you, and learn with you." 

21. " But let the flute-player," said Philippus, " play for 
me too, that I may also dance." When he stood up, he pro- 
ceeded to imitate the dancing of the boy and that of the girl. 
22. And whereas the company had previously commended the 
boy, as appearing still more graceful when he was engaged in 
gesticulation, Philippus showed, on the other hand, that 
whatever part of his body he moved, his whole body became 
still more ridiculous than it naturally was ; and whereas they 
had admired the girl, because, by bending herself backward, 
she imitated a wheel, he attempted to imitate a wheel by 
bending his body forward in a similar way. And at last, be- 
cause they had praised the boy for exercising his whole body- 
while he danced, Philippus ordered the flute-player to play a 

1 'ExtipovofiovvJ] XstpovofxtXv was to exercise the arms, as the legs 
are exercised th dancing, or as we exercise them in sparring or with the 
dumb-bells. See Plato de Legg. viii. 2, where it is used as an equivalent 
to -Kia.fia.xeXv, and where Ast has collected a great number of passages 
in illustration of the word. Suidas says that x^po^o/^Iv w as sometimes 
used in the same signification as irvKTtvttv. See also Quintilian, i. 11, 17. 
Xeipovofiia was also at times an accompaniment of dancing; and Hesy- 
chius tells us that the word x^povo/xog was sometimes used for 6pxv ffT nf:. 

2 Hence it appears that the dyopavoftoi, or stewards of the market, s.ur 
that loaves were not sold under a certain weight. Schneider. 

§ 13 — 17.] OF MODERATE DRINKING*. 159; 

more lively air, and tossed about his legs, and hands^ and 
head, and every part of him at the same. time. 13. When he 
was tired, he threw himself back on the couch, and said, 
" There is now a proof, my friends, that my mode of dancing 
affords excellent exercise ; for I am thirsty ; and let the 
attendant therefore fill me the large cup." " Certainly," said 
Callias, " and let him fill it for us too, since we are thirsty 
with laughing at your performance." 14. "I too, my friends, 
said Socrates, " shall be very well pleased to drink ; for 
really wine, by moistening the spirits, 1 lulls cares to rest, as 
mandragora puts men to sleep, and wakes up pleasant 
thoughts, as oil excites a flame. 15. It seems also to me that 
the bodies of men are affected in the same way as things that 
grow in the ground ; for they, when the gods make them 
drink in too great abundance, are unable to rise, or to let the 
breezes pass through among them ; 2 but when they imbibe 
just so much moisture as to be refreshed by it, they both grow 
very upright, and flourish, and come to bear fruit. 16. So if 
we, likewise, pour into ourselves drink in too great quantities, 
our bodies and minds will soon become powerless, and we 
scarcely shall be able to breathe, much less to articulate any- 
thing ; but if our servants refresh us from time to time with 
small cups, as with gentle dew (that I also may speak in the 
phraseology of Gorgias), 3 then, not being forced to grow 
intoxicated with wine, but being aptly persuaded by it, we 
shall arrive at more agreeable mirth." 17. These remarks 
gave pleasure to all ; and Philippus added that it became 
cup-bearers to imitate able charioteers, who drive their cha- 
riots round the course still quicker and quicker. The cup- 
bearers accordingly did as he suggested. 

1 *Ap£wv rag ipvxagJ] Dum a?iimos rigat. Dindorf. Arrosant nos 
esprits. Gail. 

2 Tcug avpaig diairviiaQai.'] " To be blown through by the breezes." 

3 Gorgias being mentioned above as one of the instructors of Callias. 
To Xenophon's irvKva kiritpeKd^ioaiv there is an allusion in Cicero de 
Senectute, c. 14. Pocula delectant me, sicut in Symposio Xenophontif, 
minuta atque rorantia. 

160 THE BANQUET "*CB. 3. 


Socrates proposes that they should engage in some improving conversation, 
rather than spend all their time in attending to music and dancing. Each 
of the speakers in the dialogue declares on what accomplishment or pos- 
session he most values himself. 

1. Soon after this, the boy played on his lyre, which was 
put in tune with the flute, and sang ; when all the company 
applauded, and Charmides also said, " It appears to me. my 
friends, that as Socrates said with regard to wine, so likewise 
this union of the beauty and voices of these children lulls 
anxieties to sleep, and gives rise to feelings of love." 2. So- 
crates then again observed, " These children, my friends, ap- 
pear capable of entertaining us ; but I am quite sure that we 
consider ourselves far superior to them ; and would it not 
then be unbecoming to us, if, while we associate together, we 
should not make even an attempt to entertain one another ? " 
Several then exclaimed, " Do you then instruct us, Socrates, 
in what kind of discourse we may engage, so as best to effect 
that object." 3. "I, then, for my own part," replied Socrates, 
" would gladly claim from Callias the performance of his pro- 
mise ; for he said, certainly, that if we would dine with him, 
he would give us a sample of his wisdom." "And I assur- 
edly will give you a sample," rejoined Callias, "if you will all 
contribute to the conversation whatever valuable knowledge 
each of you possesses." " Assuredly, then," said Socrates, 
" no one will make any opposition to your terms, or offer any 
reason why each of us should not communicate to the com- 
pany the most estimable knowledge that he has." 4. " I will 
then tell you," said Callias, " on what account I most value my- 
self ; for it is this, that I think myself capable of making men 
better." " Whether is it by teaching them some mechanical 
art," inquired Antisthenes, " or by instructing them in honour 
and virtue?" "Is justice a virtue ?" asked Callias. "Cer- 
tainly," replied Antisthenes, " it is most indisputably so ; 
since, though valour and knowledge appear to be sometimes 
detrimental to the friends as well as to the country, of thus 
who possess them, justice has no participation, in any resviect, 


with what is wrong." 5. " After each of you, therefore," re- 
joined Callias, "has communicated whatever valuable matter 
he has to produce, I also will without scruple tell you by what 
art I effect that which I profess. Do you, then, Niceratus," 
continued he, "tell us upon what kind of knowledge you value 
yourself." "My father," said Niceratus, "who was anxious 
that I should grow up a good man, obliged me to learn by 
heart all the poems of Homer ; and I could now repeat off- 
hand the whole Iliad and Odyssey." 6. " But has it escaped 
your knowledge," said Antisthenes, " that all the rhapsodists ! 
likewise know these poems ? " " How could it escape my 
knowledge," rejoined Niceratus, " when I hear them almost 
every day ? " " Do you know any class of men," said Antis- 
thenes, "more foolish than the rhapsodists ?" " Indeed," re- 
plied Niceratus, " it does not appear to me that there is any." 
" It is certainly very evident," remarked Socrates, " that they 
do not know the sense of what they recite ; but you have 
given large sums of money to Stesimbrotus and Anaximan- 
der, 2 and many others, so that nothing of any consequence in 
the poems can have escaped you." 7. " And as to you, Critobu- 
lus," said Callias, " upon what do you value yourself most ? " 
" On beauty," replied Critobulus. " Will you be able to say, 
then," asked Socrates, " that you are able to make us better 
by means of your beauty ? " " If I am not," answered Crito- 
bulus, " it is plain that I shall be thought a person of no esti- 
mation." 8. "And you, Antisthenes," said Callias, "on what 
do you pride yourself ? " " On my wealth," said he. Her- 
mogenes immediately asked him whether he had much wealth. 
He replied, with an oath, that he had not even an obolus. 
" You have then much land ? " said Hermogenes. " Perhaps 
as much as would be sufficient," replied Antisthenes, "for 
Autolycus here to sprinkle himself with dust." 9. "We must 
certainly hear what you have to say, then," observed Callias. 
" But as for you, Charmides, on what do you value your- 
self ? " " I, on the contrary," replied Charmides, " esteem 

1 Men who went about reciting he poems of Homer. Mere recitation 
of the poems of Homer, says Antisthenes, does not improve the rhapsodists 
in morality ; and how was it to be expected that it should improve you ? 

2 Stesimbrotus of Thasos, an interpreter of Homer, is mentioned by 
Plato, Ion, init. Anaximander seems to have been also an interpreter of 
Homer. The remark of Socrates is ironical with regard to Niceratua 


162 THE BANQUET. [CH. 3. 

myself on account of my poverty." " You then esteem your- 
self, certainly/' observed Socrates, " for something very ami- 
able ; for poverty is not at all exposed to envy, excites 
not the least contention about it, is preserved without being 
guarded, and acquires strength under neglect." 10. " But as 
to you yourself, Socrates," said Callias, " on what do you 
value yourself ? " Socrates, shaping his face into a look of 
the utmost gravity, replied, " On the art of pandering." As 
the company laughed at his answer, " You laugh," said he, 
" but I well know that I might gain a great quantity of 
money if I chose to practise the art." 11. " You, however," 
said Lycon, pointing to Philippus, "value yourself on your 
power of exciting laughter." " And more justly, I think," 
rejoined Philippus, "than Callippides the actor values him- 
self on his power ; a man who plumes himself on being able 
to set numbers of his hearers weeping." 12. " You also, then, 
Lycon," said Antisthenes, will tell us on what you congratu- 
late yourself." "Do you not all know," replied Lycon, " that 
it is on this son of mine ? " "And your son doubtless con- 
gratulates himself," observed some one, "on being victorious 
in the games." Autolycus, with a blush, replied, " I certainly 
do not, I assure you." 13. As they were all pleased to hear him 
speak, and turned their eyes towards him, some one asked 
him, " But on what is it, then, Autolycus, that you congratu- 
late yourself? " He answered, " L^pon having such a father," 
and at the same time seated himself by his father's side. 
Callias, observing this, said, "Do you not know, Lycon, that 
you are the richest of mankind ? " " By Jupiter," replied 
Lycon, " I certainly did not know it." " Are you not aware 
then," said Callias, " that you would not take the wealth 
of the king of Persia in exchange for your son ? " "I am 
convicted on my own confession, then," replied Lycon, "of 
being, as it seems, the richest of men." 14. And you, Her- 
mogenes," said Niceratus, " on what do you most pride your- 
self ? " " On the merit and power of my friends," replied 
Hermogenes, "and on the reflection that, though they are 
men of such worth, they have a regard for me." Upon thi3 
they all looked at him, and several of them at the same time 
asked him, whether he would point out those friends to them, 
He replied that he should feel no reluctance to do so. 



Each of the company states why he values himself on the ground which he 
has mentioned. Callias prides himself on his power of rendering men 
more honest ; Niceratus, on his knowledge of Homer ; Critobulus, on his 
beauty ; Charmides, on his poverty ; Antisthenes, on his riches ; Hermo- 
genes, on the influence of his friends ; Philippus, on his entertaining qual- 
ities ; the Syracusan, on his ability to attract the attention of the foolish 
Socratos, on his art of conciliation. 

. Soon afterwards Socrates observed, " It will then remain 
for each of us to show that what he promised to communicate 
to us is of great value." " You shall hear me, then, first," 
exclaimed Callias ; " for I, during the time that I hear you 
discussing what justice is, am rendering other men, at that 
rery time, more just." "How, my excellent friend?" in- 
quired Socrates. "By giving them money, to be sure." 

2. Antisthenes started up, as determined to refute him, and 
asked him, "Whether do men appear to you, Callias, to carry 
justice in their minds or in their purses ? " " In their minds," 
replied he. " And do you, then, by putting money into their 
purses, render their minds more devoted to justice ? " " Un- 
doubtedly." " How ? " " Because, as they know that they 
have wherewith to buy the necessaries of life, they will not 
expose themselves to danger by committing dishonest actions." 

3. " And do they repay you," said Antisthenes, " what they 
have received ? " " No, by Jupiter," answered Callias, " as- 
suredly not." " What return, then, do they make you for 
your money ? Thanks ? " " No, indeed," replied the other, 
" not even thanks ; and some are still worse disposed towards 
me than before they received the money." " It is wonderful," 
said Antisthenes, looking at him at the same time as if he 
was utterly confuting him, " that you can render men just 
towards others, and not towards yourself." 4. "Why should 
that be wonderful ?" returned Callias. "Do you not see many 
carpenters and builders who make houses for many other 
men, but are not able to make them for themselves, but live 
in hired dwellings ? Endure, therefore, O sophist, to be re- 
futed." 5. "Let him endure, indeed," added Socrates, "ag 

M '2 

164 THE BANQUET. |*CH. 4. 

augurs, too, are said to foretell what is to happen to others, but 
to be unable to foresee what is coming upon themselves." 

6. This portion of the conversation here came to an end. 
Niceratus then said, " You shall hear also from me in what 
respects you will be improved if you associate with me. You 
know doubtless that Homer, the wisest of poets, has sung of 
almost all human things. Whoever of you would wish, there- 
fore, to become skilled in husbandry, or eloquent, or fit to be 
a general, or like Achilles, or Ajax, or Nestor, or Ulysses, let 
him attend to me ; for I know all these things." " Do you 
know also how to be a king ?" l inquired Antisthenes ; " for 
you will recollect that Homer praises Agamemnon as being a 
good king and a brave warrior." "And I recollect, also," 
rejoined Niceratus, " that he says a charioteer must turn his 
chariot close to the goal : 

Avtov de KkivQrfvai ev^earov Itti di(ppov 

'H/c' £7r' dpiartpd toTiv, drdp rbv de^ibv "ittttov 

Kkvoai bjxoK\i](TavT\ il%ai ts o'i rjvia y^ipd. 2 

* But incline, in your well-polished chariot, a little to the left 
side of the horses ; and urge on the right-hand horse, encou- 
raging him witli your voice, while you give him the rein loose 
in your hand.' 7. I know something too besides this ; and it 
is in your power at once to make trial of it ; for Homer some- 
where 3 says, that ' the onion is a proper accompaniment to 
drink ;' and if, therefore, any of the attendants will bring us 
an onion, you will immediately enjoy the benefit of it, as you 
will drink with greater pleasure." 8. Upon this Charmides 
observed, " Niceratus, my friends, desires to go home smelling 
of onions, that his wife may believe that no one has even 
thought of kissing him." " Nay, by Jupiter," exclaimed So- 
crates, " there is danger that we may bring on us another 
ridiculous surmise ; for onions appear to be so much of a sea- 
soning, that they give a zest not only to drink but to meat>$ 
and if we eat onions after supper, we must take care lest 
people may say that we came to the house of Callias to in- 

1 A jocose, or rather malicious, kind of question ; for both Antisthenes 
and Niceratus were living in a free state, hostile to tyrants and kings. 
Hence Niceratus makes no reply to the question, but turns off the atten- 
tion of the company to something else. Schneider. 

» II. xxiii. 335, * II xi. 629. 


dulge in gluttony." a. " We need by no means fear such a 
charge, Socrates," said Callias ; " for to eat onions is proper 
for a person going to battle, insomuch that some feed cocks 
with garlic before they set them to fight ; but we are rather 
thinking, perhaps, of kissing somebody than of fighting." 10. 
In some such a way this part of the conversation came to 
an end. 

Critobulus then said, " I will now tell you, in my turn, 
for what reasons I value myself on my beauty." " Tell us, 
by all means," said the rest. " If I am not beautiful," pro- 
ceeded he, " as I think I am, you will deservedly be convicted 
of being deceivers ; for you are constantly swearing, though 
no one requires an oath of you, that I am beautiful ; and I, 
to be sure, believe you, since I regard you as honourable and 
good men. 11. If, however, I am in reality beautiful, and you 
feel towards me as I feel towards any one who appears to 
me to be beautiful, I swear by all the gods that I would 
not accept the dominions of the king of Persia on condition 
of resigning my beauty; 12. since I now look upon Cleinias l 
with greater pleasure than upon all the other beautiful objects 
in the world ; and I would choose rather to be blind to every- 
thing else than to Cleinias alone. I am angry with the night 
and with sleep, because I cannot see him while they continue; 
and I feel the greatest gratitude to the day and the sun, be- 
cause they restore Cleinias to my sight. 13. It is justifiable 
also for us who are beautiful to value ourselves highly for thig 
reason, that while he who is strong must gain the objects of hia 
desire by labour, he who is brave by confronting danger, he 
who is wise by speaking, he who is beautiful may effect 
everything that he wishes, even without exerting himself. 
14. I, therefore, although conscious that wealth is very agree- 
able to keep in one's possession, would more gladly give all 
that I have to Cleinias than receive as much more from any 
one else ; and I would more willingly be a slave, if Cleinias 
would be my master, than continue free ; for I would much 
rather work for him than remain idle, and run into danger 
for him sooner than live free from danger. 15. So that if you, 
Callias, value yourself on being able to make men more hon- 

1 A favourite of Critobulus. He is generally supposed to be the 
broth* of Alcibiades, mentioned by Plato, Alcib. § 14. 

166 THE BANQUET. [CH. 4. 

est, I have greater reason than you to value myself on leading 
men to every kind of virtue ; l since we beautiful persons, as 
we produce a certain inspiration in those who are inclined to 
love, render them more generous with regard to money, fonder 
of enduring toil and gaining honour in hazardous enterprises, 
as well as more modest and self-commanding, since they are 
most bashful in regard to what they desire most. 16. The 
people who do not choose handsome men for commanders of 
their troops are mad. I, certainly, would march even through 
fire with Cleinias ; and 1 feel that you would do the same 
with me ; so that you need no longer be in doubt, Socrates, 
whether my beauty be of service to mankind, n. Nor is 
beauty to be disparaged even on the ground that it soon 
passes its meridian ; for, as a boy is beautiful, so likewise is a 
young man, and a full-grown man, and an old man. Of this 
we have a proof ; for the people choose handsome old men as 
bearers of olive-branches at the festival of Minerva, indicating 
that beauty is attendant on every age. 18. And if it is pleasant 
to obtain what we desire from such as grant it willingly, I 
am quite sure that I could at this moment prevail on this boy 
and girl to kiss me, even though I were not to speak a word 
to them, sooner than you, Socrates, although you were to say 
numbers of wise things." 19. " How so ?" rejoined Socrates ; 
; ' do you boast thus in the notion that you are more handsome 
than I am ?" "Assuredly," replied Critobulus, " or I should 
be the ugliest of all the Sileni described in the satyric plays." i 
Socrates bore a great resemblance to these Sileni. 20. " Take 
care to remember, however," said Socrates, " to have the 
question about beauty settled, after the proposed topics of 
conversation have- gone round ; and let not Alexander the 

1 'Eya,' irpbg Ttaaav aptTrjv diKctioTtpog crov elfil ayuv 6v9pw7rovg.~\ 
This is the common reading, which Dindorf retains ; but Schneider very 
properly alters dyeiv into dyu>v, understanding fisya (ppovtlv with duca*.- 

orepoe GOV tifli. 

a 'Ev rote oaTvpiKoiQ.~] Sc. Spafxam, as is observed by Casaubon, da 
Poesi Satyrica, i. 1 ; Faber ad h. 1. ; and Hemsterhusius ad Lucian, torn. 
i. p. 417. To the resemblance of Socrates to the Sileni there is an 
allusion in Aristoph. Nuj. 224, and in the Scholion on the passage. 
Plato also, in his Symposium, sect. 32, makes Alcibiades compare So- 
crates to the Sileni. Schneider. The original of the words " Socrates 
bore a great resemblance," &c. is put in brackets by Dindorf> as of 
doubtful authority Comp. c. 5, sect. 7. 

§ 21 — 25.] of love. 167 

son of Priam pass judgment upon us, 1 but this boy and girl, 
whom yoi think desirous to kiss you." " Would you not com- 
mit the decision to Cleinias, Socrates?" said Critobulus. 
21. " Will you never cease thinking of Cleinias ?" retorted So- 
crates. " If I should forbear from naming him," said Critobu- 
lus, " do you suppose that I shall think of him at all the less ? 
Do you not know that I have his image in my mind so 
distinctly, that, if I were a statuary or a painter, I could form 
a resemblance of him not less accurately from that image than 
if I were looking upon his person?" 22. Socrates inquired, 
" Why then, when you carry with you so exact an image of 
him, do you give me so much trouble, and take me about to 
places where you will see him ? " " Because, Socrates," 
returned Critobulus, " the sight of him may give me real 
pleasure ; but the contemplation of his image affords me 
no enjoyment, and only excites desire in me." 23. Hermo- 
genes observed, " I do not think it becomes you, Socrates, 
to allow Critobulus to be thus overcome with love." "Do 
you think, then," said Socrates, " that he has become thus 
affected since he has associated with me ? " " If not, when 
did the affection commence ? " asked Hermogenes. " Do 
you not see," rejoined Socrates, " that the hair on the cheeks 
of Critobulus is already spread to his ears, and that that 
of Cleinias is now only rising to the back part ? 2 Crito- 
bulus was therefore violently enamoured when he used to go 
to the same schools with Cleinias. 24. His father, perceiv- 
ing what was the state of things, committed him to my care, 
to see if I could in any way be of service to him ; and he is 
indeed now much better ; for previously, like people who 
look at the Gorgons, he would look on Cleinias as fixedly as 
if he were made of stone, and could not stir away from him ; 3 
but lately I saw him even winking. 4 25. And by the gods, 

1 As in the dispute of the three goddesses concerning their beauty. 

3 This passage has somewhat troubled the commentators. The mean- 
ing however is plainly this, that the beard of Critobulus was rather more 
grown than that of Cleinias, but not much, as there was no great 
difference in their ages. This attachment, says Socrates, commenced 
when they were yet going to school, 

3 The word \i9ivog, which encumbers the text in most editions, I 
omit with Dindorf and Ernesti. 

* Previously, he could not bear to lose sight of Cleinias even during the 
time necessary for winking. Compare Cyrop. i. 4. 28. 


my friends," continued Socrates, " Critobulus appears to me 
(a thing to be mentioned only among ourselves) to have even 
given kisses to Cleinias, than which there is no stronger 
excitement of love ; for it is insatiable, and affords pleasing 
expectations. 26. Perhaps, too, to kiss is thought the more 
excusable, as the act. of touching one another with our mouths 
is expressed by the same term l as the cherishing of mutual 
affection in the mind. On which account I say that he who 
would be able to live chastely must abstain from kissing 
handsome persons." 27. "But why in the world, my dear So- 
crates," said Charmides, " do you so frighten away us, your 
friends, from beautiful objects, when I have seen you your- 
self, I swear by Apollo, at the time that you and Critobulus 
were seeking for some passage in the same book at the gram- 
marian's, holding your head close to the head of Critobulus, 
and your uncovered shoulder close to his uncovered shoulder." 
28. "Alas !" exclaimed Socrates, "it was from this cause 2 
that, as if I had been bitten by some venomous animal, I had 
a pain in my shoulder for more than five days, and seemed to 
feel a kind of irritation in my heart. And now I give you 
notice, Critobulus," he added, " in the presence of all these 
witnesses, not to touch me until you have as much hair upon 
your chin as you have upon your head." Thus they kept up 
a conversation jocose and serious by turns. 

29. Callias then said, " It is now your part, Charmides, to 
say why you value yourself on your poverty." " It is ac- 
knowledged, then," returned Charmides, "that to feel secure is 
better than to be in fear, that to be free is better than to be 
a slave, to be courted better than to court, to be trusted by 
one's country better than to be distrusted. 30. But I, when 
I was a rich man in this city, was afraid, in the first place, 
lest somebody should break into my house, seize upon my 
money, and do me some personal harm. In the next place, I 
had t® court the favour of the informers, 3 knowing that I was 
more likely to suffer some injury from them than to do them 

1 $i\s7v, <pikti<jdai. Dindorf puts this sentence in brackets. 

2 With Taur' dpa, in the text, we must understand Std, as Schneider 

3 The GVKo<pavTcu, who would have informed against him, if he had 
pretended to be poorer, and less able to discharge the duties required of 
him by the state, than he really was. 

§ £ ' — 35.] ADVANTAGES OF BEING POOR. 1(59 

any , foi it was perpetually required of me by the govern- 
ment to expend money, and I was not allowed to go any- 
where away from the city. 1 31. But now, since I am 
deprived of my property beyond the frontiers, 2 and have no 
profit from my lands within the country, while my household 
furniture has been sold, I lay myself down to sleep in peace, 
I am not suspected by the government, I am no longer 
threatened by informers, but can now threaten others, as I am 
at liberty to leave the city or to stay in it at my pleasure ; 
and the rich rise from their seats before me, and give me the 
way. 3 32. I am now like a tyrant, but then I was clearly a 
slave ; then I paid tribute to the state, now the state pays 
tribute to me by maintaining me. 4 When I was rich, too, peo- 
ple reproached me because I associated with Socrates ; but 
now, since I am grown poor, nobody pays any further atten- 
tion to the matter. And when I had much, I was always los- 
ing something, either from the requirements of the govern- 
ment or the malice of fortune ; but now I lose nothing, for 
I have nothing to lose, but am constantly in hopes of getting 
something." 33. "Do you then pray," inquired Callias, "that 
you may never again become rich ; and, if you have any 
dream portending good, do you sacrifice to the gods to avert 
it ? " " By Jupiter," replied Charmides, " I do no such 
thing, but wait very cheerfully, if I have hopes of getting 
anything from any quarter." 

34. " Come, then, Antisthenes," said Socrates, " do yon 
tell us how it is that, having so little, you value yourself on 
your riches." "Because I think, my friends," said Antis- 
thenes, " that men must be considered rich or poor in regard, 
not to their estates, but to their minds. 35. For I see many 
private individuals, who, though they have great abundance, 
yet think themselves so poor that they will undergo any 
labour, and encounter any danger, with a view to acquire 

1 Because he was detained at home by his public duties. 

2 Estates out of Attica, in the islands or in Thrace, of which he had 
been deprived during the Peloponnesian war. Schneider. 

3 The rich avoid me as a poor man, no longer worthy to be their 

4 For, as Zeune observes, the poorer sort of citizens discharged the 
duties of public offices at Athens, which helped to maintain them. See 
de Rep. Lac. c. 1, sect. 3 and 13. Weitke. 

170 THE BANQUET. [CH. 4. 

more ; I know brothers who have inherited equal shares 
of their father's property, and yet, while one of them has 
sufficient and more than sufficient for his expenses, the other 
is in want of everything. 36. I understand that there are also 
sovereigns, who are so greedy of wealth, that they will com- 
mit even more grievous crimes to obtain it than the poorer 
sort of mankind ; for some of these, we know, steal through 
poverty, or break into houses, or sell men for slaves ; but 
there are some kings who ruin whole families, kill multitudes 
of their fellow-creatures, and even reduce entire communities 
to slavery, for the sake of money. 37. On such persons I, for 
my part, look with great pity, as labouring under a very 
grievous disease ; for they seem to me to be affected in the 
same way as a person would be who should eat and drink 
vast quantities, 1 and yet should never be satisfied. But I 
have so many things, that even I myself can scarcely find 
them ; 2 yet I have plenty, both to eat till I am no longer 
hungry, to drink till I am no longer thirsty, and to clothe 
myself in such a way that I am not at all colder out of doors 
than our very rich friend Callias here. 38. During the time 
that I stay in the house, the walls are regarded by me as very 
warm coats, and the roof as a very thick cloak ; and as for 
bed-clothes, I have such a comfortable abundance of them, 
that it is a matter of some difficulty to awake me out of my 
sleep. If ever my passions require me to seek their gratifi- 
cation, whatever presents itself gives me so much satisfaction, 
that those to whom I make advances caress me with the 
utmost fondness, merely because no one else is ready to make 
application to them. 39. All these things, accordingly, seem 
so pleasing to me, that I should never wish to have greater 
gratification in pursuing any of them, but rather to have 
less ; so much more attractive than is desirable do some of 
them appear to me to be. 40. But the most estimable advan- 
tage attendant on my riches I consider to be this, that, if any 

1 The common texts have 7ro\Xd t^wv /cat ttoXXo. IcrOiw. Lange 
suggested that we should read irivuv instead of ^wv, and I have, with 
the concurrence of Schneider, adopted his suggestion. 

2 He jestingly says " so many," observes Weiske, when he means 
so few ; he speaks as if he conld hardly find what he wanted amid the 
multitude of things that he has, when in reality he is puzzled how to 
find supplies for his wants in consequence of his poverty. 

§ 41 — 45.] VALUE OF PHILOSOPHY. 171 

one should take from me what I now possess, there is no em- 
ployment that I see so mean that it would not afford me 
a sufficient maintenance. 41. For when I wish to regale my- 
self, I do not buy costly dainties out of the market-place (since 
they are too dear), but I draw from the resources of my 
mind ; l and much greater addition is made to my enjoyment, 
when I wait till I want a thing and then take it, than when 
I partake of any expensive gratification ; as when on the pre- 
sent occasion, for instance, I meet with this wine of Thasos, 2 
and drink it without being thirsty. 42. It is natural, besides, 
that those should be far better principled who look to econo- 
my rather than expensiveness ; for those to whom what is 
readiest gives most contentment will be least likely to covet 
what belongs to others. 43. It is worthy of consideration, 
too, that such sort of riches renders men liberal-minded ; for 
our friend Socrates here, from whom I have received thij 
wealth, did not impart it to me by number or by weight, but 
gave me as much as ever I could carry away ; and I, at 
present, grudge no man what I have, but exhibit my opulence 
to all my friends, and give a share of the wealth in my mind 
to any one that is willing to receive it. 44. Leisure also, one 
of the most delightful of enjoyments, is, you see, always at my 
command, so that I can go to see what is worthy to be seen, 
can hear what deserves to be heard, and, what I value most 
of all, can pass whole days undisturbed with Socrates, who 
does not look with admiration on those who can count vast 
sums of gold, but makes it the business of his life to converse 
with those whose society can give him pleasure." 

45. Thus spoke Antisthenes ; and Callias said to him, " By 
Juno, I envy you for your wealth, not only on other accounts, 
but because the state does not treat you as its slave, by 
imposing duties upon you, and because people have no ill 
feeling against you if you do not lend them money." "Do 
not envy him, in the name of Jupiter," said Niceratus, " for I 
am going to borrow of him the privilege of wanting nothing ; 

1 'Ek rfjg i\jvxiiQ rajuttvojuai.] I endeavour, by cherishing temper- 
ance and contentment in my mind, to repress the desire of delicacies and 
superfluities in eating and drinking. See Mem. Soc. i. 3. 3; Apol. Soc, 
sect. 18. 

2 A sort of wine greatly in repute, as appears from Pliny and 
Athena; us. 

172 THE BANQUET. [CH. 4. 

since I, for my part, having been instructed by Homer to 
reckon thus, 

"E7rr' airvpovg Tp'nrodag, dkica dk xyvoolo rdXavra, 
A'LOiovag 8k XefirjTag it'iKoai, 8<i)8eica 8' 'LirirovQ. 

' seven three-footed goblets that are not put on the fire, ten 
talents of gold, twenty bright vases, and twelve horses,' never 
cease desiring to have as much wealth as possible by weight 
and measure ; whence I may perhaps appear to some peo- 
ple to be too covetous of money." At this they all laughed, 
thinking that he had spoken what was true. 

46. Some one then said, " It is now your business, Hermo- 
genes, to speak of your friends, and to tell us who they are, 
and show that they are persons of great power, and have 
a regard for you, that you may be thought justly to value 
yourself upon them." 47. " It is then evident," said Hermo- 
genes, " that both Greeks and barbarians consider that the 
gods know all things, not only present but future ; at least 
all states and nations inquire of the gods by divination what 
they ought or not to do. It is also manifest that we think 
they are able to do us good or harm ; at least all men entreat 
the gods to avert from them what is evil, and to grant them 
what is good. 48. But these gods, who know everything, 
and can do everything, are so much my friends, that, from the 
attention which they pay me, it is never unknown to them, 
either by night or by day, whither I am going or what I in- 
tend to do. And as they foreknow what will be the result of 
every individual action, they intimate to me, by sending, as 
messengers, omens, or dreams, or auguries, what course of 
conduct I should pursue, or what course I should avoid ; and 
when I obey them, I never have cause to repent, but for dis- 
obedience to them I have already, on more occasions than 
one, suffered punishment." 49. " Nothing in all this is 
incredible," said Socrates ; " but I would gladly learn how it 
is that you worship them to make them so much your friends." 
" It is done at very little cost, certainly," replied Hermo- 
genes, " for I praise them without putting myself to any ex- 
pense ; I am always ready to give them, in return, a portion 
'){ what they have given me; 1 I speak reverentially of 

- Hermogenes means soundness of mind, piety and gratitude towards 


them, as far as I can, on all occasions ; and in whatever 
transactions I call them to witness, I never willingly depart 
from truth." " Assuredly, then," said Socrates, " if it is by 
such conduct that you make the gods your friends, they take 
delight, as is apparent, in honour and virtue." 50. This part 
of the conversation was thus seriously brought to a close. 

But when they came to Philippus, they asked him what he 
saw in buffoonery that he prided himself so much upon it. 
" Is it not with good reason," replied he, " when all people, 
whenever they meet with any good fortune, invite me, know- 
ing that I am a buffoon, to enjoy it with them ; but when they 
incur any ill fortune, run away from me without looking 
back, fearing that I may make them laugh in spite of them- 
selves?" 51. "By Jupiter," exclaimed Niceratus, "you do 
indeed justly value yourself on your profession ; for as for 
me, on the contrary, such of my friends as are in prosperity 
flee from the sight of me, but such as fall into misfortune 
count their degrees of relationship to me, and never let me 

52. " Perhaps such may be the case," said Charmides ; 
" but as for you, Syracusan, on what do you value yourself ? 
Doubtless it is upon your boy." " No, by Jupiter," replied 
he, " not at all, since I am ever in the greatest fear about him ; 
for I see that certain people are plotting how to work his 
ruin." 53. Socrates, hearing this, said, " In what respect dc 
they think they have been so much injured by your boy as to 
wish to destroy him ? " " They do not indeed wish entirely 
to destroy him," said the Syracusan, "but to induce him 
to sleep with them." " You think, then, as you seem to 
indicate, that he would be ruined if this should take place." 
" Undoubtedly, by Jupiter," replied the Syracusan. 54. "Do 
not you yourself, then," asked Socrates, " sleep with him ? " 
" Certainly," replied he, " all night and every night." " By 
Juno, then," exclaimed Socrates, " it is a great good f .rtune 
to you to have been born with such a skin that you alone do 
not ruin those who sleep with you ; so that you may very rea 
sonably value yourself, if upon nothing else, at least upon youi 
skin." 55. " Yet assuredly," said the Syracusan, " I do no 

the gods, which he is pleased to feel through their goodness, and of -which, 
by his prayers, praise, and thankfulness, he offers them as it were a re 
turn. Sohneider 

174 THE BANQUET. fCH, 4. 

value myself upon it." "Upon what, then?" asked Socrates. 
" Upon finding fools, by Jupiter," returned he ; " for it is 
they that by looking at my puppets find me maintenance." 
"It was then for this reason," said Philippus, "that I lately 
heard you praying the gods to give, wherever you might be, 
abundance of food and scarcity of understanding." 

56. " Well," said Callias, " but what have you to say, So- 
crates, to convince us that it is justifiable in you to value 
yourself on the art of which you just now spoke, and which 
is accounted so dishonourable ? " l Socrates replied, " Let us 
first settle between us what the business of a procurer is ; and 
whatever questions I ask, do not refuse to answer, that we 
may know what it is that we settle. Does this meet with your 
approval ? " " Assuredly," said they ; and when they had 
once said "Assuredly," they all continued afterwards to 
answer in the same way. 57. " Does it then appear to you to be 
the business of a good procurer/' said he, "to render him or 
her, whom he gets into his hands, pleasing to those with whom 
he or she is to associate ? " Assuredly," said they. " Does 
not one means of pleasing, then, consist in having a graceful 
arrangement of the hair and dress ? " " Assuredly," said they. 
58. " Are we not aware, too, that it is possible for a person to 
look upon others kindly or unkindly with the same eyes ? " 
" Assuredly." " Is it not possible also to speak modestly or boldly 
with the same voice ? " " Assuredly." " Are there not likewise 
some modes of address that provoke dislike, and others that 
conciliate regard ? " " Assuredly." 59. " Of these, then, a 
good procurer would teach those which have a tendency to 
please ?" " Assuredly." "And which of the two would be 
better in his profession, he who should render those under his 
care able to please one only, or he who should make them 
capable of pleasing many ? " Here, however, the company 
differed in their mode of replying, and some said, " It is plain 
that he is the better who can teach how to please most," while 
the rest answered, " Assuredly." 60. Socrates, observing 
that they were then agreed however on this point, proceeded to 
say, " And if any one could qualify people to please the whole 
state, would he not at once be considered an extremely excel- 
lent conciliator ? " " Indisputably," said they all. "If any one 
therefore can form those whom he takes under his care into 
such characters, hf> may justly value himself on his art, and 

1 See c. 3, sect 10. 


justly receive large sums for his instruction ?" 61. As they all 
agreed to this, "Then," said Socrates, " our friend Antisthenes 
here appears to me to be a conciliator of that kind." " What ! " 
exclaimed Antisthenes, " do you attribute this art to me, 
Socrates ? " " Yes, undoubtedly," replied Socrates ; " for I 
see you practising with great diligence the art which is con- 
stantly attendant on it." " What art is that ?" inquired An- 
tisthenes. " The art of seduction," replied Socrates. 62. An- 
tisthenes was then seriously displeased, and said, " What are 
you aware that I have committed of this kind, Socrates ?" 
" I am aware," replied Socrates, " that you seduced our friend 
Callias here to visit the wise Prodicus, because you saw that 
the one was in love with philosophy, and that the other was 
in want of money ; I am aware that you seduced him, too, to 
go to Hippias of Elis, from whom he learned the art of 
memory, in consequence . of which he has grown still more 
amorous than before, because, whatever beautiful object he 
sees, he never forgets it. 63. Lately, also, after recommend- 
ing a stranger from Heracleia 1 in my hearing, and making 
me desirous of seeing him, you presented him to me ; and I 
am thankful to you for having done so, for he seems to me to 
be a man of honour and virtue. Did you not likewise, by 
praising iEschylus of Phlius to me, and me to him, affect us 
both in such a manner, through what you said, that we ran 
about like dogs seeking for one another ? 64. Seeing, then, 
that you are able to do such things, I consider you to be an 
excellent conciliator ; for he who is able to distinguish such 
as are useful to themselves, and can render them desirous of 
the company of one another, appears to me capable of placing 
whole communities on friendly terms, of promoting suitable 
marriages, and of becoming a person of great consequence to be 
gained both by states and private friends and allies ? Yet 
you were angry, as if you had been calumniated, because I 
said that you were a skilful conciliator." " However, I am 
not so now, assuredly," replied Antisthenes ; " for if I can do 
such things, I shall have my mind fully stored with riches." 2 
This part of the conversation then came to a termination. 

1 Bach and Weiske suppose that Zeuxippus the painter is meant, re- 
ferring to Plato's Protaguias, p. 103, where he is said to have been then 
at Athens. 

2 IZeaayiJiivoQ — ttXovtov ri\v ^f/v^ijv ivo/iai.] "1 shall be packed 
close as to my mind with riches " 

176 THE BANQUET. [CH. 5. 


A discussion between Critobulus and Socrates on the comparative beauty ot 
their persons. Socrates enlarges on the attractions of his features, but, 
being pronounced less handsome than Critobulus, complains that the 
judges had been bribed to give sentence against him. 

1. Callias then said, " But are not you, Critobulus, going 
to enter the lists with Socrates on the question of beauty ? " 
" Possibly not," said Socrates, " for perhaps he sees that the 
conciliator l is in some favour with the judges." 2 2. " Never- 
theless," rejoined Critobulus, " I do not shrink from the con- 
test ; prove, therefore, if you have any efficient argument, 
that you are more beautiful than I am ; only," added he, " let 
the attendant bring the lamp close to us." 3 "I challenge 
you, then, first," said Socrates, " to an examination of the 
question ; and do you reply to my interrogatories." " Question 
me, then," said Critobulus. 3. " Whether, therefore," asked 
Socrates, " do you think that beauty exists in man only, or in 
any other object likewise?" "I certainly think," replied 
Critobulus, " that it exists also in horses, and oxen, and in 
many inanimate objects. I know at least that there are 
beautiful shields, and swords, and spears." 4. " And how is 
it possible," said Socrates, " that these objects, which are not 
all similar one to another, should be all beautiful ? " " If 
they be well formed for the purposes for which we respectively 
employ them," said Critobulus, " or well adapted by nature 
for that for which we want them, they will also assuredly be 
beautiful." 4 5. " Do you know, then," said Socrates, " for 
what purpose we want eyes ? " " Plainly," returned Critobu- 
lus, " for the purpose of seeing." " Then in that case my 
?yes will be more beautiful than yours." " How, I pray ? " 

i Because yours see only what is straight before you, but mine 
see also what is on each side of them, from being prominent ?" 

J You say, then," rejoined Critobulus, " that the crab has the 

1 Tbv fia<rrpo7r6v, literally the procurer or pander. See c. 3, sect. 10. 

2 Meaning the guests, the company in general. See c. 4, sect. 20, 

3 In order that our features may be plainly seen. Comp. sect. 9. 
* See Mem. Soc. iii. 8. 4 

§ 6 10.J OF BEAUTY. 177 

best eyes of all animals ?" l " Undoubtedly," replied Socrates, 
" since it has them also excellently adapted lor security." 2 

6. " Be it so," said Critobulus ; " but which of our noses is the 
more beautiful, yours or mine?" "I certainly think that 
mine is the more beautiful," replied Socrates, " if the gods 
made noses for the purpose of smelling; for your nostrils look 
to the ground, but mine are expanded upwards, so as to catch 
scents from all quarters?" "But how can a flat nose be 
more beautiful than a straight one?" "Because," answered 
Socrates, " it is no obstruction to the eyes; but allows them 
to see whatever they wish; but a high nose, as if it designed 
to do harm, parts the eyes by a kind of obstructing wall." 

7. " As to the mouth," continued Critobulus, " I yield you the 
superiority ; for if a mouth be made for the purpose of biting, 
you would bite off much larger pieces from anything than I ; 
and, as you have thick lips, do you not think that your kiss is 
softer than mine?" " I seem," returned Socrates, " accord- 
ing to your description, to have a mouth even more ugly than 
that of an ass. But do you not think this a proof that I 
am more beautiful than you, namely, that the Naiads, who are 
goddesses, are the mothers of the Sileni, 3 who resemble me 
far more than you?" 8. To this Critobulus replied, "1 am 
no longer able to maintain the contest with you, Socrates; 
let them therefore distribute the pebbles for voting, that I 
may know at once what penalty I must suffer or pay. 4 
Only," added he, "let them give their votes secretly, for 1 
fear lest that wealth of yours, and that of Antisthenes, 5 should 
be too strong for me." 9. The girl and boy, accordingly, 
distributed the pebbles secretly. Socrates, at the same time, 
desired the attendant to bring the lamp opposite Critobulus, 
that the judges might not be deceived, and requested that the 
distinctions assigned by the judges might not be chaplets, but 
kisses. 6 - 10. When the pebbles were emptied out, however, 

■ ' Because they are compound, capable of looking several ways at ones.. 
2 Ylpbe, iaxivJ] Because the crab has hard eyes. Schneider. 
- 3 Mothers of the Sileni by the Satyrs, according to Ovid, Pont, iv 
16, 35. Comp. c. 4, sect. 19. 

4 Tla9t~iv r] cnroTlcrat,.] A legal phrase. 

5 The wealth which Antisthenes boasted that he had received from 
Socrates, c. 4, sect. 43. Schneider. 

• Who was to kiss the victor is not apparent. See however c. 6, sect. 1. 
Schneider supposes that Socrates, by " the judges," means the boy and 

VOL. ill. *- 

178 THE BANQUET. [CH. 6. 

and were all in favour of Critobulus, "Ah!" exclaimed 
Socrates, " your wealth, Critobulus, does not seem to be like 
that of Callias; for his makes people more honest, but yours, like 
wealth in general, is capable of corrupting both umpires and 


Socrates engages in a discussion with Hermogenes. The Syracusan speak* 
impertinently to Socrates, and is repressed by him and Antisthenes. 

i. Immediately afterwards, some desired Critobulus to 
claim the prizes of his victory, kisses ; others bade him ob- 
tain the consent of the master, 1 others jested in other ways. 
Hermogenes, however, then also continued silent. 2 But 
Socrates, addressing him by name, said, " Could you tell us, 
Hermogenes, what irapoivia is ? " " If you ask what it is 
absolutely," replied Hermogenes, " I must say that I do not 
know ; but I will tell you what it appears to me to be." 2. 
" That will satisfy me," said Socrates. " I consider than," 
said Hermogenes, " that to cause annoyance over your wine to 
those with whom you associate, is irapoivla." " Do you know, 
then, that you now cause us annoyance by continuing silent?" 
" Even while you are speaking ?" asked Hermogenes. "No," 
replied Socrates, "but when we come to a pause in speaking." 
'•' Are you not aware, then," rejoined Hermogenes, " that a 
person could not insert even a hair, much less a speech, be- 
tween the portions of your conversation?" 3. Socrates then 
said, " Can you, Callias, give any support to a man who has 
the worst of the argument?" 3 "I can," returned Callias, 

girl who were collecting the votes; but this supposition is surely inad- 
missible. See sect. 1. 

1 Tbv Kvpiov.] Schneider, Weiske, and Zeune, all suppose that the 
Syracusan is meant (the master of the boy and girl that collected the 
votes), whose consent Critobulus must obtain before he could kiss the 
boy and girl. 

2 He had been silent for some time before. 

3 Socrates means himself. Callias replies that he can silence Socrates'a 
adversary, since, when the music began to play, the company would be all 
alike silent. 


" for when the flute begins to play, we shall be all silenced 
together." " Would you consent, then," said Hermogenes, 
*' that as Nicostratus the actor used to recite tetrameter 
A arabics to the sound of the flute, so I, likewise, should converse 
with you to the sound of the flute ? " 4. "Do so, in the name 
of the gods," said Socrates ; " for as a song is sweeter when 
sung to the flute, so I suppose that your words will receive 
something more of sweetness from the musical notes, especi- 
ally if you unite gesture to your speech, as the girl that 
plays on the flute does." 5. Callias then asked, " When Antis- 
thenes, therefore, defeats any one of the company in argu- 
ment, what sort of music shall be played ?" "I think that 
the music best adapted to the person defeated," replied Antis- 
thenes, " must be of a hissing character." l 

6. While such conversation was going on, the Syracusan, 
observing that the company paid no attention to his exhibition, 
but were entertaining one another, felt displeased with So- 
crates, and said to him, " Is it you, Socrates, that are called 
the contemplator?" 2 " It is certainly better to be called so," re- 
plied Socrates, "than to be called incapable of contempla- 
tion." " Yes, if you were not thought to be a contemplator 
of sublimities ?" 7. "Do you know anything, then," asked So- 
crates, " more sublime than the gods ? " " But, by Jupiter," 
returned the Syracusan, " people say that you do not attend 
to such subjects, but to things utterly above our concern." 
' ; Even so," continued Socrates, " I should attend to the gods; 
for they, being above us, send us blessings from above, and 
supply us with light from above. 3 If I make poor puns, you 
are to blame for troubling me with your questions." 8. 
" Say nothing more of this, then," rejoined the Syracusan, 
" but tell me how many skips of a flea 4 you are distant from 

1 2t»piy/x6v.] Socrates plays on the ambiguity of the word, which 
means both the sound of a musical pipe and hissing, such as is bestowed 
on a bad actor on the stage. Schneider. 

2 QpovTiorfiQ.] A term of reproach applied to Socrates. See %ristoph. 
Nub. 357. 

3 In the text there is a play on the words avtotytXiOTaTog ana avuiOev, 
of which I have endeavoured to give some imitation. Socrates speaks as 
if the word avw0e\?)c were compounded of dvu) and uxpiXkio. 

* See Aristoph. Nub. 144. I read with Dindorf, ttooovq ipvWrjg wodac 
Ifiov aTrkxit-Q. The common reading, ttooovq tyvWa ttoSoq t./zof' airk%u, 
has displeased all the commentators. 

* 2 

180 THE BANQUET. [CH. 7. 

-me ; for they say that you measure such distances." Antis* 
thenes here interrupted him by saying, " You, Philippus, are 
acute at making comparisons; ] does not this man appear to you 
to be very like a person desirous to offer an insult?" " Yes, by 
Jupiter," replied Philippus, " and he appears so to many other 
people." 9. " Nevertheless," said Socrates, " do not compare 
him to anything, lest you yourself should appear like a person 
offering an insult." " But if I should compare him to every- 
thing that is good and excellent, any one might then, surely, 
with justice compare me to a person bestowing praise, rather 
than offering an insult." " No ; for even now you resemble 
a person offering an insult, if you say that everything in him 
is excellent." 2 " Would you wish me, then, to compare him 
to what is of an inferior character ? " " No ; nor to anything 
that is of an inferior character." " To nothing at all, then ?" 
"Compare him to nothing at all." 3 "But, if I am silent, I 
do not know how I shall acquit myself as becomes the enter- 
tainment." "Very easily," rejoined Socrates, "if you are 
silent in regard to what you ought not to say." Thus termi- 
nated this affray over the wine. 


Socrates recommends the Syracusan to exhibit some more rational enter- 

l. After this, some of the others encouraged Philippus to 
proceed with his comparisons ; but some dissuaded him. As 
a noise arose, Socrates again began to speak, and observed, 

1 Aeivbg — tiKa^eiv.j Philippus, as a buffoon, ridiculed people by 
imitating their gestures, or by ludicrous comparisons. Schneider. 

2 Ei irdvT' aiirov f3e\.Tiu) cpyg dvai.~\ Weiske supposes that ttclvt' 
avrov is for Travra rd kv avri^, and that the sense is si dicas omnia in eo 
meliora esse qudm vere sunt. No other critic has found out any better 
interpretation. But he would be well content to read /JtXncrra for 

3 MrjSevi fii]!)k tovtov t"«ca^e ] By altering tovtiov, the old reading, 
into rovrov, Dindorf has given the proper sense to these words. 

§ 2 — 0.] OF AMUSEMENTS. 181 

" Since we are all now eager to speak, might we not all very 
well sing together ?" As he uttered these word?, he began 
himself to sing. 2. When he nad ended his song, there 
was brought in a wheel, such as potters use, for the dancing 
girl, on which she was to perform surprising feats." Socrates 
then said, " I shall now be in danger of being in reality, as 
you say that I am, a contemplator ; for I am considering how 
this boy and girl of yours may most conveniently perform, 
and how we may have most satisfaction in looking at them, 
as I know that you also desire. 3. It seems to me, then, that to 
leap head foremost among the swords is a performance of 
danger not at all suited to an entertainment of this kind ; and 
to write and read upon the hoop while it is twirling round is 
perhaps a wonderful exhibition, but I do not know what plea- 
sure even that can afford. Nor is it at all more agreeable 
to see beautiful and elegant persons distorting their bodies, 
and imitating hoops, than remaining at rest. 4. Nor is it at 
all rare to meet with surprising phenomena, if a person wishes 
to do so ; for we may well wonder at things immediately be-*- 
fore uSj as for example, why that lamp, from having a bright 
flame, affords us light, while the brazen part of it, 1 though 
extremely bright, gives no light, and yet at the same time 
reflects in it other visible objects ; and how oil, which is liquid, 
increases that flame, while water, merely because it is a liquid, 
puts out fire. But such questions have not the same tendency 
as wine. 2 5. However, if the boy and girl should dance to 
the flute in the manner in which the Graces, and Hours, and 
Nymphs are painted, I think that they would perform their 
task with much greater pleasure, and that our entertainment 
would receive a great increase of attraction." "By Jupiter, 
Socrates," exclaimed the Syracusan, "you say well, and I 
will introduce some representations with which you will be 

1 To 8e xa^Kelo?'.] Weiske and Zeune thought that a brazen mirror, 
placed somewhere in the apartment, was meant. Schneider, with better 
reason, supposed that the brass of the lamp was intended 

? That is, a tendency to exhilarate the spirits. Schneider. 

182 THE BANQUET. ^CH. 8. 


Socrates discourses on love, and jocosely complains of the annoyance which 
he receives from the constant attendance of Antisthenes. He observes that 
there are two kinds of love, and exhorts his hearers, and especially Callias, 
to pursue the more honourable kind. 

l. The Syracusan accordingly went out and began to pre- 
pare himself ; l while Socrates again entered on a new subject 
of conversation. " Is it right," said he, " my friends, when a 
great deity is present among us, one who is equal in age to 
the gods that have always existed, who is extremely youthful 
in form, who embraces everything in the extent of his power, 
and yet lets himself down to an equality with the soul of man, 
I mean Love, for us to neglect to pay respect to him, especi- 
ally when we are all votaries of that deity? 2. For myself, I can- 
not refer to any period of my life, in which I was not in love 
with somebody. As for Charmides here, I know that he has 
many in love with him, and that there are some with whom 
he himself has been also in love. Critobulus, certainly, is 
both loved and has love for others. 3. Niceratus, too, as I 
hear, is in love with his wife, and is loved by her in return. 
As to Hermogenes, which of us does not know that he is 
pining for love of honour, whatever honour is ? Do you not 
see how serious his brow is, how settled his eye, how mild his 
words, how gentle his tone, how pleasing his manner ? Yet, 
though he enjoys the favour of the most worshipful of the 
deities, he does not neglect us men. 4. And do you alone, 
Antisthenes, love no one?" "Nay, by all the gods," replied 
Antisthenes, " I love you with all my heart." Socrates, as if 
he were somewhat offended, rejoined jestingly, "Give me no 
trouble on that subject at present, for, as you see, I am fixing 
my attention on something else." 5. " How constantly," ex- 
claimed Antisthenes, " do you, master of the affections of 
others as you are, 2 act undisguisedly thus ! for sometimes you 

1 'EvveicpoTsiTo.] Se componebat, instituebat, settled what should be 
acted, and in what way. Weiske. So crvyKtKporrjfisvai vavg, Hellen. 
vi. 2. 12, signifies "ships fully equipped." Schneider. 

* Maorpoirk gclvtov!] You who are in the habit of bringing others to 
love you. Weiske. He did not mind giving his friends a repulse at 
times, for he knew that he could easily attraci them to him again. 

§6—13.] or love. 183 

avoid conversing with me, because you pretend to have been 
prohibited by your demon, and sometimes because you want 
to attend to something else." 6. " In the name of the gods. 
Antisthenes," rejoined Socrates, " forbear at least from killing 
me ; l all other trouble from you I bear, and will continue to 
bear, with friendly feelings, but let us conceal your love for me, 
since it is love, not for my understanding, but for my beauty. 
7. That you, Callias," he continued, " love Autolycus,the whole 
city knows, and, I suppose, many foreigners. One cause of 
this love between you is, that you are both sons of celebrated 
fathers, and are yourselves distinguished. 8. I have always 
admired your disposition, and I now admire it much more, as 
I see that you are in love, not with one who prides himself 
on his delicacy, and is corrupted with effeminate pleasure, but 
with one who manifests vigour, and endurance, and fortitude, 
and temperance. 9. Whether, indeed, there be one Venus or 
two, 2 a celestial and a vulgar, I do not know (for Jupiter, 
who is thought to be but one and the same, has many appella- 
tions), but that there are altars, and temples, and sacrifices, 
for each of them separately, the more licentious for the vulgar, 
and the more pure for the celestial, I am very well aware. 10. 
You may conjecture, too, that the vulgar Venus inspires man- 
kind with the love of the body only, but the celestial Venus 
with the love of the soul, of friendship, and of honourable 
deeds ; with which love you, my dear Callias, appear tome to be 
influenced. 1 1. I conceive this from the honourable and virtuous 
character of the object of your love, and from seeing that his 
father admits you to intercourse with him ; for with one who 
entertains a pure and honourable affection, there is nothing in 
such matters to conceal from a father." 12. " By Juno, Socrates," 
observed Hermogenes, " I not only admire you on other ac- 
counts, but because you now at once gratify Callias by your 
praises, and teach him what he ought to be." " I certainly 
mean to do so," rejoined Socrates, " and that he may be still 
more pleased, I wish to testify to him how much better the love 
of the mind is than that of the body. 13. For that there is 
no society, worthy of any account, without friendship, we all 
know ; and to love, in those who admire the dispositions of 

1 Movov jut) avyKo^iyg fia.~j Ne nimium mihi obtandas, ne conficiat 
me, exanimes. Weiske. 
8 See Plato, Sympos. c. 8. 

184 THE BANQUET. [OH. 8. 

one another, is called an intimate and spontaneous connexion ; 
but of those who lov3 the body, many censure and dislike the 
character of those that they love. 1 14. But if they found 
their love on the two united, the prime of beauty soon passes 
off, and when this fails, affection must decay at the same time ; 
while the mind, as long as it continues to improve in under- 
standing, grows more and more deserving of love. 15. In the 
enjoyment of beauty, too, satiety arises ; and consequently, as 
we are affected in regard to food, from being satisfied, so we 
must likewise be affected, from the same cause, in regard to 
objects of corporeal love ; but the love of the mind, from being 
pure, is also less liable to satiety, and yet is not on this ac- 
count, as any one might suppose, the less attended with plea- 
sure ; but the prayer in which we entreat the goddess to 
grant that what we say and do may be lovely r , is plainly ac- 
complished. 16. For that a soul which grows up in a noble 
form, and with modest and generous feelings, and which is at 
onc.e commanding and benevolent among those of its own age, 
admires and loves the object on which it places its affection, 
requires no proof; but that it is probable that a lover of such 
a character will also be loved in return by the object of his 
love, I will demonstrate. 

17. "In the first place, can any person hate another by 
whom he is conscious that he is thought fair and good ? Or 
him whom he sees 2 studying the honour of the object of his 
affection more than his own pleasure ? Or as long as he be- 
lieves that even if he should commit any light offence, or grow 
less beautiful through sickness, the love between them would 
not be lessened ? 18. Must not those who feel mutual affec- 
tion look upon one another with pleasure, converse together 
tenderly, give and receive confidence, take thought for the 
interests of each other, delight together in honourable actions, 
and grieve together if any ill fortune happen to either? 
Must they not constantly feel pleasure when they meet to^ 
gether in health, and, if either fall sick, must they not expe- 
rience still closer attachment ? Must they not be still more 
concerned for one another when they are separated than when 

1 We musi read tCjv tp<i>n?vu>v, with Dindorf, not top tpo'jfitvov, as in 
previous editions. 

8 "EireiTa Se 6py>?.] The construction is irregular, for the proper con- 
nexion with what precedes would be ov <T op^n. Schneider 

§ 19— 23. j of lovp.. 185 

they are together? Are not all such feelings full of love? 
It is through such proofs of attachment that they continue 
desirous of mutual friendship, and in the enjoyment of it, to 
extreme old age. 19. But as for him whose love depends 
only on bodily attractions, why should the object of his love 
conceive any affection for him in return ? Whether would it 
be because he secures for himself what he covets, and brings 
utter disgrace on the person that he courts ? Or because he 
alienates, in the highest degree, the relatives of the object of 
his affections, in consequence of what he desires to obtain 
from that object ? 20. Though he does not use violence, but 
persuasion, he is but, on that account, the more deserving of 
detestation ; for he who offers violence shows at once the bad- 
ness of his character; but he who tries seduction secretly 
undermines the principles of the person that he seduces. 21. 
As for the person, too, who sells beauty for money, why should 
such a person love him who buys it more than a man who 
sells and disposes of goods in the market loves his purchasers ? 
Assuredly the one will feel no love for the other, merely be- 
cause the one being young associates with the other who is no 
longer young, 1 or because the one being beautiful associates 
with the other who is no longer beautiful, or because the one 
being without desire associates with the other who is inflamed 
with desire. The youth who consorts with the full-grown 
man has not, like a woman, a share in the delights of love, 
but is like a sober person who looks upon one who is intoxi- 
cated with pleasure. 22. Hence it is by no means surprising 
if contempt for him who courts arises in him who is courted. 
Whoever reflects on the subject will find that from the inter- 
course of those who have loved one another for their moral 
qualities no unpleasant consequences have arisen, but that by 
impure connexions many direful evils have been caused. 

23. " I will now show you that the society of him who 
loves the body rather than the mind is degrading ; for he who 
instructs the object of his love to say and do what is right 
would justly be honoured by him as Chiron and Phoenix 
were honoured by Achilles ; but he who desires corporeal 
pleasure may deservedly follow about the object of his desire 
like a beggar, for indeed he constantly attends on that object 

1 Schneider refers to Plato, Phsedr. sect. 38. 

186 THE BANQUET. £CH. 8. 

asking and entreating for a kiss or some other proof of attach- 
ment. 24. If I express myself somewhat more free3y than ordi- 
nary, do not be surprised, for the wine excites me, and the 
love that always dwells in me stimulates me to speak boldly 
against that other .kind of love which is of an opposite nature. 
25. He who fixes his attention only on personal attractions 
appears to me like a man who has hired a piece of land, for 
such a man has no care that the land may be rendered more 
valuable, but merely that he himself may extract as much 
produce from it as possible ; but he who seeks for mutual 
affection is more like a person who has land of his own ; 
for by bringing into the mind of the beloved object whatever 
he can from all quarters, 1 he renders him constantly more 
worthy of esteem. 26. Whatever beloved object, too, is con- 
scious that by displaying sufficient charms he will rule over 
the lover, is likely to be regardless as to other matters ; but 
whoever knows that, unless by honourable and virtuous con- 
duct, there will be no possibility of securing affection, must 
necessarily pay greater attention to moral rectitude. 27. But 
the greatest benefit gained by him who desires to form a good 
friend out of the object of his affections is that he himself is 
obliged to pursue a virtuous course of conduct ; or it is im- 
possible that he who indulges himself in what is wrong 
should lead one that associates with him to do what is right ; 
nor that one who shows himself shameless and intemperate 
should render the object of his affections temperate and 

28. "I would wish also, Callias," continued he, "to give you 
some examples from the fables of antiquity, showing that not 
only men, but gods and demi-gods, have valued the affection 
of the mind more than any corporeal gratification. 29. With 
whatever mortals, for instance, Jupiter fell in love on account 
of their beauty, he allowed them, after he had enjoyed their 
society, to remain mortals ; but those whom he admired for 
the qualities of their minds he rendered immortal ; among 
whom were Hercules, and Castor and Pollux; and some 
others are mentioned. 30. I consider also that Ganymede 

1 As the owner of a piece of ground colleens into it trees and plants 
from all parts round about, so a man of virtue infuses wholesome pre- 
cepts, and the knowledge of everything that is good, into the mind of any 
one that he loves. Weiske. 

§ 31 — 33. J LOVE OF VIRTUES OF THE MIND. 187 

was taken by Jupiter into heaven, not for the charms of his 
person, but for those of his mind. To this supposition his 
name gives support ; for it is said somewhere in Homer, 

— yavvrai 8s r aicov<nv, 

which means, * he is delighted with hearing ; ' and there 
occurs somewhere else, 

— irvKiva <ppe<ri firjdsa eidioi,, 

which signifies, ' knowing wise counsels in his mind.' From 
these two words he being named Ganymede, 1 not as 'agree- 
able in person,' but as 'agreeable in mind,' is honoured 
among the gods. 31. Achilles too, Niceratus, 2 is represented by 
Homer as taking a glorious revenge for the death of Patro- 
clus, not as a mere object of affection, but as an intimate 
friend. Orestes, also, and Pylades, and Theseus, and Peiri- 
thous, and many other of the chief demi-gods, are celebrated, 
not because they enjoyed each other's love, but because, from 
esteem for one another, they achieved together the greatest 
and most honourable exploits. 32. Shall we not find, also, 
that the glorious deeds done in modern times are achieved by 
those who are willing to encounter toils and danger for the 
sake of praise, rather than by those who habituate themselves 
to love pleasure more than glory ? though Pausanias, indeed, 
the friend of Agathon the poet, 3 speaking in defence of 
those who indulge in licentious gratifications, has said that 
the strongest of armies might be formed of the corrupt and 
those who are attached to them ; 33. for he declares himself 
of opinion that such persons would feel utterly ashamed to 
desert one another ; maintaining what is truly wonderful, if 
those who are accustomed to disregard censure, and to cast off 
shame before each other, would shrink most of all men from 

' Socrates intimates that Ganymedes was compounded of yavvfiai, " to 
be glad or delighted at," and nrjSog, " coansel or prudence," and that it 
was thence to be inferred that he was possessed of excellent and amiable 
qualities of mind. 

2 He addresses himself to Niceratus, as being particularly acquainted 
with the poems of Homer. Zeune. 

3 Pausanias an Athenian, a native of the demos Cerameis, is meant. 
He is mentioned in Plato's Protagoras and Symposium and by j&lian, 
V. H. ii. 21. Agathon the poet is well known. 

188 THE BAKQCET. )_CH. S. 

doing anything disgraceful. 34. He Iias however adduced 
testimonies, saying that the Thebans and Eleians are of this 
opinion ; for he observes that the objects of their affections, 
though admitted into unrestrained intercourse with them, 
are nevertheless ranged side by side with them in the field of 
battle ; but this example, on which he dwells, is not generally 
applicable, for such a practice, though common with those 
people, is accounted dishonourable with us. To me, at least, 
those who are thus ranged together appear like persons dis- 
trustful lest the objects of their affections, if separated from 
them, should not perform the duties of brave men, 35. But 
the Lacedaemonians, who think that if a person fixes his desire 
on corporeal pleasure, he will never afterwards pursue honour 
and virtue with success, make the objects of their affection so 
perfectly good and brave, that, even among foreigners, and 
when they are not ranged in the same field of action l with 
those attached to them, they are nevertheless ashamed to 
desert their companions in arms ; for they regard, not shame- 
lessness, but self-respect, as their goddess. 36. We are likely, 
indeed, to be all of the same opinion with regard to the 
subject on which I am speaking, if we but consider to which 
of the two kinds of objects of affection any one of us would 
with greater confidence intrust his money or children, or do 
a kindness with the expectation of a return ; for I think 
that even he who is enamoured with the personal beauty 
of the individual whom he loves, would more readily place 
such confidence in one who is amiable in mind. 

37. " As for you, Callias, it appears to me incumbent on you 
to feel grateful to the gods for having inspired you with the 
love of Autolycus ; for that he is a lover of honour is evident, 
inasmuch as he has submitted to many toils, and great fatigue, 
for the sake of being proclaimed victor in the pancratium. 
38. But if he thought that he could not only honour himself 
and his father, but would be able, througli virtuous exertions, 
to benefit his friends, and to extend the power of his country 
by raising trophies over her enemies, and to become, by these 
means, admired and renowned alike among Greeks and bar- 
barians, do you not think that he would pay the highest hon- 

1 I read Iv ry avry rd^et, with Dindorf, instead of Iv ry avrfi irc'Xw, 

the common reading, oi which commentators could make no satisfactory 
sense. Lange had suggested x&P 1 }* 


ours to him whom lie should regard as an efficient auxiliary 
for the accomplishment of such views ? 39. If therefore you 
desire to secure his attachment, you must consider by what 
kind of knowledge Themistocles became capable of rendering 
Greece free; you must reflect by what sort of accomplishments 
Pericles gained the character of being the most able adviser 
of his country ; you must think how Solon advanced himsell' 
in philosophy, so as to make the best laws for the state ; and 
you must inquire how the Lacedgemonians exercise themselves, 
so as to be considered the first of commanders (and the most 
distinguished of the Spartans lodge with you from time to 
time asproxeni). 1 40. Be assured, that your country will soon 
put herself into your hands, if you be but willing to undertake 
the care of her ; for you have the highest qualifications for 
the charge ; you are of an honourable family, a priest of the 
gods who are worshipped in the ceremonies instituted by 
Erechtheus, 2 and who also marched with Bacchus against the 
barbarians; 3 you appear at the present festival more deserv- 
ing of the priesthood than any one of your forefathers ; you 
have a person eminently graceful in the eyes of your country- 
men, and a frame well fitted for enduring fatigue. 41. If I 
speak to you more seriously than seems suitable for a ban- 
quet, do not be surprised that I do so ; for I always continue, 
as well as my country, to love those who are of good disposi- 
tions, and who are ardently desirous of distinguishing them- 
selves in virtuous pursuits." 

42. The rest of the company then conversed on what 
had just been said; but Autolycus continued to gaze on 
Caliias. Callias, glancing at him, said, " You will then, 
Socrates, recommend me to the favour of the state, that I 
may occupy myself in its affairs, and be always acceptable to 
it." 43. " Such will assuredly be the case," rejoined Socrates, 

1 Entertainers or receivers of strangers from their own country ; some- 
what similar to our consuls. 

- 'Itptvg Qtibv tu>v air' 'Ep^Qswc.] The Oeol air' 'TLptxQkutQ are chiefly 
Ceres and Proserpine, who were worshipped in the Eleusinian sacred rites, 
as instituted by Erectheus. Weiske. The same interpretation is given 
by Sturz in his Lexicon. 

3 Against Xerxes, for when the Greeks were fighting with him at Sala- 
mis, it is said by Herodotus and o*ber authors, that the Eleusinian deitiea 
and Bacchus came to their aid. Schneider. Bach refers to Plutarch; 
Tbemist. c. 15 ; Aristides, vol. ii- p 2uS, ed Jebb. ; Polyeen. iii. li. 2 

190 THE BANQUET. [CH. 9. 

" if the people see you attaching yourself, not in appearance 
merely, but in reality, to virtue ; for unfounded reputation is 
soon overthrown by being brought to proof ; but sincere and 
honourable exertion, if the gods be not unfavourable, con- 
tinually causes brighter and brighter glory to shed itself over 
our conduct." 


Representation of the loves of Bacchus and Ariadne. 

1 . Thus ended this portion of the conversation. Autolycua 
(for it was now time for him) 1 arose to take a walk, and Lycon 
his father, as he went out with him, turned towards Socrates, 
and said, " Assuredly, Socrates, you appear to be me to a man 
of honour and virtue." 

2. Soon after this, a sort of elevated couch was placed in 
the middle of the room, and the Syracusan came in and said, 
" My friends, Ariadne will now enter into the chamber occupied 
by herself and Bacchus; and Bacchus, who has been drinking 
a little with the other gods, will come in soon afterwards, and 
approach her ; and they will then amuse themselves together. 
3. Ariadne immediately made her entrance, dressed as a bride, 
and seated herself on the couch. Bacchus not yet appearing, 2 
the Bacchic measure was played on the flute. All the com- 
pany now expressed their admiration of the dancing-master; 3 
for Ariadne, as soon as she heard the music, put herself into 
such attitudes that every one could understand that she heard 
it with pleasure. She did not go to meet Bacchus, nor did 
she rise up, but she plainly indicated that she could hardly 
keep herself quiet. 4. When Bacchus came forward and 
caught sight of her, he began to dance like a person delighted, 
sat down upon her knees, 4 embraced her and kissed her. She 

1 According to the rules of gymnastic traiAmg, it was now time for him 
to take exercise. Schneider. 

2 Dindorf happily reads ovmo instead of the old ovrut. 

3 The Syracusan. 

4 This may appear rude and forward, says Weiske, but we must 
remember that it is the freedom of manners in the early ages that is 
represented, and that Bacchus was now under the influence of wine. 


acted like a modest bride, but nevertheless lovingly returned 
his embrace. The company, as they looked on, not only 
clapped their hands, but called out "Again !" l 5. But it was 
when Bacchus rose up, and raised Ariadne with him, that 
they had the greatest reason to admire their acting, as they 
kissed and embraced one another. The spectators, seeing how 
beautiful Bacchus was, and how blooming Ariadne, and how 
they kissed one another, not in pretence, but in earnest, were 
all delighted as they beheld them. 6. They heard Bacchus 
asking her whether she loved him, and Ariadne, vowing 
so earnestly that *he did, that not only Bacchus but all 
who were present would have sworn that the boy and girl 
were in love with one another ; for they resembled, not actors 
who had been taught their parts, but lovers who had long 
desired to do what they were now doing. 7. At last, when 
the guests saw that they were embracing one another, and 
seemed to be going to repose, such of them as were unmarried 
vowed that they would marry, and such of them as were 
married mounted their horses and rode off to join their wives; 
while Socrates, and the others who stayed behind, proceeded, 
with Callias, to accompany Lycon and his son in their walk. 
Such was the termination of the banquet. 

E/&W av9tg .] Cried out " Encore !" " Repeti jubebant." Ftem. 



This piece is believed by Yalckenaer and Schneider not to be 
Xenophon's, as being trifling and unworthy of him, and contain- 
ing very little more than is to be found in the Memorabilia. 
Zeune and "Weiske give their voices in favour of its genuineness, 
observing that it appears from Diogenes Laertius, Stobaeus, Athe- 
noeus, and other authors, that Xenophon wrote an Apology of 
Socrates. But there is no proof that what we have before us under 
that name is what Xenophon wrote. 

Whoever indeed can readily believe that Xenophon was the 
author of a composition so fragmentary, dry, and spiritless, as 
this, can have very little power of judging of Xenophon's style. 
It perhaps proceeded, as Valckenaer remarks, from the same hand 
that forged the last chapter of the Cyropaedia. 


1. It seems proper for me to relate also concerning Socrates 
dot? he determined to act when he was brought to judgment, 
with regard to his defence and the close of his life. Others 
indeed have written on this subject, and all have expressed l 
the boldness of his language ; whence it is certain that such 
language was used by Socrates ; but that he thought death 
more eligible for him than life, they have not shown ; so that 
Iiis haughtiness of speech appears to have been somewhat too 

2. Hermogenes 2 the son of Hipponicus, however, was his 
intimate friend, and has given such an account of him that his 
boldness of language seems suitable to his resolution ; for he 
has related that, when he observed him discoursing of any- 
thing else rather than what he should offer in his defence, he 
said to him, 3. " Ought you not also to consider, my dear 
Socrates, how you may defend yourself ? " and that Socrates 
at first answered, "Do I not seem to you to have passed my whole 
life meditating how to defend myself ? " but afterwards askeo^ 
" How so ? Since I have constantly lived without doing any 
wrong ; and such conduct I consider to be the best prepar- 
ation for a defence." 4. But when Hermogenes agair 

1 "Etvxcv.~\ " Have attained," or "succeeded in attaining" it, so as to 
convey a notion of it to others. 
s See Mem. Soc. iv. 8. 4. 

VOL. Ill A 

194 APOLOGY OF SOCRATES. [§ 5 — 7 

remarked, " Do you not see, then, in looking to the tribunals 
of the Athenians, how often the judges, misled by words, 
have put to death persons altogether innocent ; and how often 
they have acquitted the guilty, either because they themselves 
have taken pity on them under the influence of eloquence, or 
because the accused have spoken in such a way as to gain 
their favour ? " " But I can assure you," rejoined Socrates, 
" that though I have twice attempted to meditate on my 
defence, the divine admonition constantly opposes me." 5. As 
Hermogenes exclaimed, "You say what is very strange," 
Socrates replied, "Do you think it strange, that it should 
now appear to the divinity better for me to die ? Do you not 
know that, to the present day, I would not concede to any 
human being that he has lived better than I ? for, what was 
most consolatory, I was conscious that my whole life was 
passed religiously and uprightly, so that, while I had a very 
fair opinion of myself, I found that those who associated with 
me formed the same judgment concerning me. 6. But now, 
if my age should be still prolonged, I know that I must 
necessarily suffer the evils of old age, must find my sight and 
hearing impaired, must become less apt to learn, and more 
forgetful of what I have already learned ; and, if I should feel 
myself declining, and grow discontented with myself, how," 
asked he, " could I have any pleasure in continuing to live ? 
7. But perhaps," added he, " the divinity, from benevolence, 
provides for me not only to terminate my life at a proper 
season, but also in the easiest possible manner ; for if sen- 
tence is now pronounced against me, it is certain that I shall 
be allowed to die by that method which has been deemed the 
most merciful by those who have meditated on the subject, 1 
a method which causes least concern to the friends of the 
sufferer, 2 and inspires them with the utmost regret for him ; 3 
for when the dying person leaves no unseemly or unpleasant 
impression on the minds of those present, 4 but gradually 

1 Those who have considered the condition of men dying under tl.e 
effects of drinking hemlock. Schneider. 

2 As they are not obliged to watch by his bed during a long illness. 

3 They think of him as having been cut off somewhat prematurely. If 
they had seen him lingering under protracted sufferings, they would 
rather havfi consoled themselves that death had relieved him from them. 

4 A long illness compels a man to do many things, in the presence 


passes away while he has his body still in health, and his 
mind able to retain its cheerfulness, must he not be deeply 
mourned ? 

8. " But the gods justly opposed my meditation on my 
speech," continued he, " when it appeared to us that means of 
escape should in every way be sought ; Y for it is evident that, 
if I had succeeded in this, I should have doomed myself, instead 
of quitting life now, to end it under suffering either from dis- 
ease or old age, on which all troubles, all privations of comfort, 
concur to fall. 9. Assuredly, my dear Hermogenes," said he, 
" I shall think of no such course ; but if I shall offend the 
judges by mentioning the honours which I think that I have 
received from the gods and from men, and what opinion I 
entertain concerning myself, I shall choose rather to die, than, 
by ignobly entreating to live longer, to secure a life far more 
dishonourable than death." 

io. When his adversaries brought their charge against him, 
"that he did not acknowledge the gods whom the state ac- 
knowledged, but introduced other new deities, and corrupted 
the youth," Hermogenes stated that Socrates, adhering to the 
resolution which I have just mentioned, stood forward and 
said : 1 1. "In the first place, my countrymen, I am astonished 
at Meletus, and at a loss to know on what he founds his asser- 
tion that I do not acknowledge the gods whom the state 
acknowledges, since not only others, who were with me, have 
seen me sacrificing at the common festivals, and on the public 
altars, but Meletus himself might have seen me if he had de- 
sired to do so. 12. As to new deities, how can I introduce 
any by saying that the voice of a god appears to signify to me 
what I ought to do ? for those who consult the cries of birds, 
and the speeches of men, 2 take omens, assuredly, from voices ; 

cf those about him, which are of an unseemly character, and unpleasing 
in their eyes. Schneider. 

1 'Ufxiv ZfjTTjTka elvai bk ttclvtoc, tqottov rd a7ro</>£VKre/ca.] By ra 
aVo^euKriKd is meant, as Weiske remarks, escape from prison secretly, 
which the friends of Socrates had recommended to him. For rjfuv, 
therefore, which Dindorf retains, it would appear that we should read 
with Weiske vfiiv. " The divine influence was adverse to my premedi- 
tation of a speech for my defence, at the time when it seemed to you 
that not only that means, but every other means of escape, ought to be 
adopted by me." 

* People drew omens from the mode in which those whom they 

o 2 

196 APOLOGY OF SOCRATES. [§ 13 — 13 

and who will say that thunder is not a voice, or that it is not 
a most influential omen ? Does not the priestess, too, on the 
tripod at Delphi, declare with her voice the signs which she 
receives from the gods ? 13. That the divinity, indeed, fore- 
knows what is to happen, and foretells it to whomsoever he 
pleases, all men say and think exactly as I do ; but they call l 
the things or persons that signify the future auguries or 
omens, diviners or soothsayers, while I call the power of pre- 
diction a divine manifestation, and I think that by designat- 
ing it thus, I speak with greater truth, and more reverentially, 
than those who attribute the power of the gods to birds ; and 
that I do not, in this case, speak falsely with regard to the di- 
vinity, I have manifest proof, since, though I have frequently 
communicated the admonitions of the divinity to my friends, 
I have never been found to deceive them." 

14. When the judges, on hearing this statement, gave loud 
signs of disapprobation, some disbelieving what he said, and 
others being displeased at the thought that he should obtain 
greater favours from the gods than themselves, Socrates again 
said, " Hear, then, something more, that those of you who 
are inclined to be incredulous may feel still greater disbelief 2 
in the assertion that I have been honoured by the gods ; for 
when Chaerephon, on one occasion, put a question to the 
oracle at Delphi, in the presence of several persons, concern- 
ing me, Apollo replied that no one of all mankind was either 
more liberal-minded, or more just, or more prudent, than my- 
self." 15. As the judges, at hearing this, expressed, as was na- 
tural, still louder disapprobation, Socrates proceeded to say, 
" Yet the same god, my fellow-citizens, uttered in an oracle a 
higher eulogy concerning Lycurgus, who gave laws to the 
Spartans, than concerning me ; for it is related 3 that he 
said to him as he was entering the temple, ' I am considering 
whether I should call you a god or a man ; ' but as for me, he 
did not liken me to a god, but only expressed his judgment 

that I far excelled other men. Yet do not hastily believe the 

casually met addressed them. See the note on the translation of the 
Memorabilia, i. 1. 2. 

1 'Ovo/xdZovcnv — elvai.] Literally "name to be." Bach gives a simi- 
lar example of a redundant elvai from Plato's Protagoras. 

2 That is, may wonder still more, and be astonished, as it were, at to 
thing so incredible., Schneider. 

2 Herod, i. 65. 

§ 16 19.] VIRTUES OF SOCRATES. 197 

god on this subject, but consider every point in my character 
severally, with reference to what the god said. 16. For whom 
do you know less enslaved than myself to bodily pleasures ? 
whom more liberal in mind than I am, who receive nei- 
ther presents nor remuneration from any one ? Or whom 
would you reasonably consider more just than one who con- 
tents himself with what he has, so as to need nothing belong- 
ing to others ? Or how could any one honestly refuse to call 
me a wise man, who, since I began to understand what was 
said to me, have never ceased to seek and to learn whatever 
good I could ? 17. That I have not laboured in vain, does 
not this appear to you a sufficient proof, that many of our 
citizens who are desirous of improvement in virtue, and 
many foreigners also, prefer to associate with me above all 
other men ? Or what shall we say is the reason that, though 
all know that I am quite unable to make any return for what 
I receive, yet numbers are desirous to bestow gifts upon me ? 
Or that a return for a favour is never asked of me by any one, 
though many acknowledge that they owe favours to me ? l 
18. Or that, during the siege, 2 other men lamented their lot, 
while I felt no greater wants than when the city was in the 
greatest prosperity ? Or that other men procure expensive 
delicacies from the market, while I, without cost, produce 
greater enjoyments than they from my own mind ? If, then, 
in what I have said concerning myself, no man can convict 
me of speaking falsely, must I not justly receive praise, at the 
present time, both from gods and men ? 19. Yet you, Mele- 
tus, say that I, by such a course of conduct, corrupt the 
youth. We however well know, doubtless, what the things 
that corrupt youth are ; and tell me, I pray, whether you 
know of any one having been drawn, by my influence, from 
piety to impiety, from steadiness of conduct to licentiousness, 
from economy to extravagance, from soberness to indulgence 
in wine, from laboriousness to effeminacy, or brought under 
the dominion of any vicious pleasure ? " 

1 The favours which people bestow upon me they regard as my 
right, as having been merited by services either to themselves or to the 
state. Any favours that they receive from me they are willing to requite, 
if they can, whenever I am in need of their assistance in any way 

* When Lysander was besieging Athens, after the unfortunate engage* 
ment at jEgospotami. Schneider, 

198 APCLOGY OF SOCRATES. [§ 20 — 23. 

20. "No," replied Meletus, "but I certainly know some 
whom you have persuaded to obey you more than their 
parents." " I admit that such has been the case," replied So- 
crates, " in regard to education ; for they know that that 
subject has been my study ; and so, in matters concerning 
their health, men place more reliance on physicians than on 
their parents ; and, in the assemblies of the people, all the 
Athenians, assuredly, pay more regard to those who speak 
wisely than to their own relatives. In the election of gener- 
als, do you not choose, in preference to your fathers and 
brothers, and even, most certainly, in preference to your 
own selves, those whom you consider most skilful in military 
affairs ? " " Doubtless," replied Meletus, " for to do so is ex- 
pedient as well as customary." 21. " Does it not then appear 
wonderful to you," said Socrates, " that, in other affairs, the 
best men not only obtain fair consideration, but are even pre- 
ferred ; but that I, because I am thought eminent by some in 
that which is the greatest good to men, I mean in the educa- 
tion of youth, am for this reason prosecuted by you as worthy 
of death ? " 

22. Much more than this, it is well known, was said both by 
Socrates himself, and by his friends, who took his part ; but 
I have not been anxious to relate all that occurred on his 
trial ; it is sufficient for me to show that Socrates made it his 
great object, neither to act impiously towards the gods, nor to 
be thought unjust towards men. Escape from death he did 
not consider that he ought to solicit; he even thought that 
the proper time was then come for him to die. 23. That he en- 
tertained this opinion became still more manifest after sen- 
tence was pronounced against him ; for, in the first place, when 
he was urged by his friends to solicit a lesser penalty, 1 he 
neither offered to pay any pecuniary fine himself, nor allow- 
ed his friends to do so, but said that to pay a fine was for 
one who confessed himself guilty ; and, in the second place, 

1 'YTTOTifiaaStai.'] This word properly signifies to propose a less pen- 
alty for one's self than that which has been fixed by the accuser. The 
penalty demanded by Meletus, in the form of accusation against Socrates, 
"vas death. Socrates might have applied, when judgment was pronounced 
against him, for a commutation of punishment, stating that he thought 
himself not deserving of death, but was ready to pay a fine. Instead of 
doing so, he asserted that he deserved to be maintained at the public ex- 
pense in the Prytaneum. See Cicero de Orat. 1. 54. 


when liis friends offered to effect his escape secretly, he did 
not consent, but seems to have jested with them, by asking 
whether they knew any place out of Attica where death could 
not come. 

24. As the trial came to a conclusion, he said, "But, my 
fellow-citizens, those who have instructed the witnesses to 
bear false testimony against me by perjuring themselves, and 
those who have yielded to their persuasions, must necessarily 
be conscious to themselves of having committed great impiety 
and injustice. But what cause is there for me to think less 
of myself now than before my condemnation, when I have 
not been convicted of having done any one of those things 
which the accuser has laid to my charge F 1 for it has neither 
been shown that I have sacrificed to any new deities, instead of 
Jupiter and Juno, and the gods worshipped with them, nor that 
I have sworn by any other gods, or have acknowledged any. 
25. As to the youth, how could I corrupt them by accustom- 
ing them to patience and frugality ? In regard to deeds for 
which the penalty appointed is death, as sacrilege, house-break- 
ing, selling men for slaves, treachery towards the state, not 
even my accusers themselves charge me with having done 
anything of that kind ; so that it seems to me marvellous how 
any act worthy of death could ever have appeared to you to 
have been committed by me. 26. Nor ought T, assuredly, to 
think less of myself because I die unjustly ; for this is not dis- 
honourable to me, but to those who have condemned me. 
Palamedes, too, who met death in a similar way with myself, 
offers consolation to me ; for he affords, even to the present 
day, a finer subject for song than Ulysses, who unjustly caused 
his death. 2 I know that testimony will be borne to me, both 
by time that is coming, and by time that is already past, that 
I have never wronged any man, or made any one worse than 
I found him, but that I improved those who conversed with 
me, by teaching them gratuitously whatever good I found in 
my power." 

27. Having uttered these words, he withdrew in a manner 

1 'Eypa^aro.] Zeune and some other editors reaa t/pd.yavTo; but 
Schneider very properly observes that Meletus is considered as the sole 
accuser throughout the whole piece. 

* See Ovid. Met. xiii. 56. 

200 APOLOGY OF SOCRATES. [§ 28 — 30. 

suitable to what he had spoken, with cheerfulness in his looks, 
gesture, and gait. But, when he observed those who attended 
him weeping, he said, " How is this ? Do you now weep ? 
Do you not know that from the moment at which I was born, 
death was decreed for me by nature ? If, indeed, I were dying 
amidst blessings showered upon me, it is certain that both I 
and my friends would have to grieve ; but if I am ending my 
life when troubles are to be expected, I think you ought all 
to rejoice for me, as being happy." 

28. A person named Apollodorus, who was present, a great 
admirer of Socrates, but, otherwise, of weak understanding, 
said, " I grieve most on this account, Socrates, that I see you 
going to die undeservedly;" when it is said that Socrates, 
stroking the head of Apollodorus, asked, "And would you, 
my dearest Apollodorus, rather see me die deservedly than 
undeservedly?" Socrates, as he said this, smiled upon him. 

29. It is related, also, that on seeing Anytus pass by, he 
remarked, " This man is elated, as if he had done something 
great and honourable in causing my death, because, when I 
saw him thought worthy of the highest offices by the state, 1 
I said that he ought not to bring up his son among ox-hides. 2 
How foolish is he," added Socrates, " who does not seem to 
know that whichsoever of us has done that which is more 
beneficial and more honourable for all time, is the superior ! 
30. But," he continued, "Homer has attributed to some of his 
personages 3 the faculty of foreseeing the future at the end of 
their lives ; and I am desirous also of uttering something in 
the manner of a prophecy. I had the company, for a short 
time, of Anytus's son ; and he appeared to me to be not with- 
out vigour of mind ; and I therefore predict that he will not 
continue at the servile occupation which his father has destined 
for him, but that, as he has no efficient guardian, he will 
plunge himself into some licentious gratification and advance 
far into vice." In making this prediction, Socrates was not 
deceived ; for the young man, conceiving a passion for wine, 
ceased neither night nor day from drinking, and at last became 

1 As is also said in Plato's Menon, sect. 18. 

2 Anytus appears to have been a dealer in hides. Schneider. 

3 As Patroclus, II. xvii. 851 ; Hector, II. xxii. 358. See Cicero do 
Divinatione I. 30.; Plato, Apol. sect. 30. Schneider* 

§ 31, 32.] HAPPf DEATH OF SOCRATES. 201 

worthless alike to his country, his friends, and himself. 
Anytus, on account of his bad education of his son, and his 
own folly, is loaded with infamy, even now that he is dead. 

31. But Socrates, incurring odium through magnifying 
himself before the tribunal, afforded the more inducement to 
his judges to pronounce sentence against him. To me, how- 
ever, he appears to have met with a fate appointed by the 
kindness of the gods ; for he was freed from the most trouble- 
some part of life, and suffered the easiest of deaths. - 32. He 
gave a proof of the firmness of his mind ; for as he felt that to 
die was better for him than to live, he, as he had never been 
averse to anything else that was good, did not show want of 
spirit to meet death, but welcomed it and submitted to it with 
cheerfulness. For myself, observing his wisdom and noble- 
ness of mind, I cannot forbear to think of him, or, while I 
think of him, to praise him. But if any one, among those 
who are studious of virtue, has met with a more beneficial 
instructor than Socrates, I consider him to be of all mankind 
the most deserving of congratulation. 




The minute attention which I have necessarily given to the 
style of these Treatises in translating them induces me to form a 
much more unfavourable opinion with regard to their genuineness 
than I conceived when I read them for the first time some years ago. 
In the Life of Xenophon prefixed to the previous volume, I said, 
relying on my own early impressions and the judgment of Weiske, 
that there was nothing in the style or manner of the treatises to 
prove that Xenophon was not their author. Nor is there so much 
discrepancy in the style of them from that of Xenophon's acknow- 
ledged works as to make it clear to all readers that Xenophon did 
not write them ; for, as Weiske observes, mere dissimilitude of dic- 
tion will not suffice to demonstrate that they are spurious, since a 
writer may, for various reasons, adopt different forms of style in 
different compositions. But the numerous repetitions of the same 
phrases in the treatise on the Lacedaemonian Government, and the 
curtness and aridity of the phraseology, seem to convict the writer 
of a poverty of words never chargeable upon Xenophon ; and I am 
now, therefore, inclined to think with Heyne, Heindorf, and F. A. 
Wolf, that they are the work of some other writer than the Attic 
bee. As to the style of the Treatise on the Athenian Government, it 
certainly approaches nearer to that of Xenophon, in structure and 
flow, than the style of the other, but is still far beneath the excel- 
lence of the master's own compositions. With regard to the 
matter, in both treatises, especially in that on the Laeedeemonian 
Government, much of it is so extremely poor and trifling, that it 
cannot be thought to have proceeded from Xenophon. 


That Xenophon wrote Treatises on the Lacedaemonian and 
Athenian Governments is memioned by Diogenes Laertius and 
other writers ; but the genuineness of the books on those subjects 
which were in circulation under his name in early times was denied 
by Demetrius of Magnesia, a contemporary of Cicero. Longinus 
cites a few words from the treatise on the Government of the Lace- 
daemonians as Xenophon's, but with some variation from the pre- 
sent text. Whether therefore the original treatises have been lost, 
and others substituted by an inferior hand, or whether they have 
been mutilated, and the deficiencies supplied by some unskilful 
essayist at reparation, must remain doubtful. The question is fully 
discussed by Sauppe in the preface to his edition of Schneider. 
Sauppe tries to prove both pieces genuine. 

That the fourteenth chapter of the Treatise on the Lacedaemonian 
Government is, if not spurious, certainly out of place, is admitted 
by Weiske, Schneider, and Dindorf. 




The regulations of Lycurgus respecting marriage and the treatment of 


1. But 1 reflecting once how Sparta, one of the least popu- 
lous of states, 2 had proved the most powerful and celebrated 
city 3 in Greece, I wondered by what means this result had 
been produced. When I proceeded, however, to contemplate 
the institutions of the Spartans, I wondered no longer. 

2. Lycurgus, who made laws for them, by obedience to 

1 The commencement is abrupt, as if some preceding portion were 

2 A small population of citizens, not of human beings, is signified. 
Yet the state may well be said to have had but a small population, 
whether we look merely to the Spartans, or inhabitants of the city itself, 
or include in the computation all that could properly be called Lacedcemo- 
nians, or all that had the right of citizenship. Weiske. At the time 
when Sparta was most flourishing, the number of Spartans was eight thou- 
sand, according to Herodotus, vii. 234, or, according to Aristotle, Polit. 
ii. 6, ten thousand. The number of the inhabitants of Laconia amounted 
to about three hundred and eighty thousand, according to Muller, Dori- 
ans ii. 47; and the number of Spartans after their losses at Leuctra was 
not more than three thousand. Sauppe. 

8 Celebrated as being powerful. Its power became most remarkable 
in the Peloponnesian war, and especially about the 93rd Olympiad, 
when they defeated the Athenians at iEgospotami ; from which period 
they held the sovereignty in Greece until the 102nd Olympiad, when the 
battle of Leuctra was fought, and when they were so weakened by the 
Thebans that they never after recovered themselves. Weiske 


which they have flourished, I not only admire, but consider to 
have been in the fullest sense a wise man ; for he rendered his 
country preeminent in prosperity, not by imitating other 
states, but by making ordinances contrary to those of most 

3. With regard, for example, to the procreation of children, 
that I may begin from the beginning, other people feed their 
young women, who are about to produce offspring, and who 
are of the class regarded as well brought up, on the most 
moderate quantity of vegetable food possible, and on the least 
possible quantity of meat, while they either keep them from 
»vine altogether, or allow them to use it only when mixed 
with water ; and as the greater number of the men engaged 
in trades are sedentary, so the rest of the Greeks think it 
proper that their young women should sit quiet and spin 
wool. But how can we expect that women thus treated 
should produce a vigorous progeny ? 4. Lycurgus, on the 
contrary, thought that female slaves were competent to 
furnish clothes ; and, considering that the production of chil- 
dren was the noblest duty of the free, he enacted, in the first 
place, that the female should practise bodily exercises no less 
than the male sex ; and he then appointed for the women con- 
tests with one another, just as for the men, expecting that 
when both parents were rendered strong, a stronger offspring 
would be born from them. 

5. Observing, too, that the men of other nations, when 
women were united to husbands, associated with their wives, 
during the early part of their intercourse, without restraint, 
he made enactments quite at variance with this practice ; for 
he ordained that a man should think it shame to be seen 
going in to his wife, or coming out from her. When married 
people meet in this way, they must feel stronger desire for the 
company of one another, and whatever offspring is produced 
must thus be rendered far more robust than if the parents 
were satiated with each other's society. 

6. In addition to these regulations, he also took from the 
men the liberty of marrying when each of them pleased, and 
appointed that they should contract marriages only when they 
were in full bodily vigour, deeming this injunction also con- 
ducive to the production of an excellent offspring. 7. Seeing 
also that if old men chanced to have young wives, they watch- 


ed their wives with the utsnost strictness, he made a law 
quite opposed to this feeling ; for he appointed that an old man 
should introduce to his wife whatever man in the prime of 
life he admired for his corporeal and mental qualities, in order 
that she might have children by him. 8. If, again, a man 
was unwilling to associate with his wife, and yet was desirous 
of having proper children, he made a provision also with re- 
spect to him, that whatever woman he saw likely to have off- 
spring, and of good disposition, he might, on obtaining the 
consent of her husband, have children by her. 9. Many simi- 
lar permission he gave ; for the women are willing to have 
two families, 1 and the men to receive brothers to their children, 
who are equal to them in birth and standing, but have no 
claim to share in their property. 

io. Let him who wishes, then, consider whether Lycurgus, 
in thus making enactments different from those of other legis- 
lators, in regard to the procreation of children, secured for 
Sparta a race of men eminent for size and strength. 2 


On the training and education of children. 

i. Having given this account of the procreation of children, 
I wish also to detail the education of those of both sexes. 3 

1 The sense is made clear by reference to a passage of Plutarch in his 
Comparison of Lycurgus and Numa, c. 4, and to another in the Life of 
Cato the Younger, c. 25 ; whence it appears that a woman transferred 
herself from the house and family of her first husband into the house and 
family of a second, the change being sanctioned by her father and by 
her first husband, to whose property and protection she gave up all claims. 

2 Yet there were some who expressed admiration, observes Morus, that 
amidst this state of licence, which set aside all distinction between hon- 
ourable marriage and illicit love, between legitimate and illegitimate off- 
spring, adultery was unknown ; as if such a condition of things was not 
a constant indulgence in adultery, sanctioned by common practice. 

3 'E/carepwv.] Utriusque sexus is the sense given by all the Latin 
translators, and apparently by all the commentators, to this word. 

^' 2 — 5.] TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 207 

Gf the other Greeks, those who say that they bring up their 
sons best set slaves over them to take charge of them, 1 as 
soon as the children can understand what is said to them, and 
send them, at the same time, to schoolmasters, to learn letters, 
and music, and the exercises of the palsestra. They also 
render their children's feet delicate by the use of sandals, and 
weaken their bodies by changes of clothes ; and as to food, 
they regard their appetite as the measure of what they are to 
take. 2. But Lycurgus, instead of allowing each citizen to 
set slaves as guardians over his children, appointed a man to 
have the care of them all, one of those from whom the chief 
magistrates are chosen ; and he is called the Pajdonomus. 
He invested this man with full authority to assemble the boys, 
and, if he found that any one was negligent of his duties, to 
punish him severely. He assigned him also some of the 
grown-up boys as scourge-bearers, that they might inflict 
whatever chastisement was necessary ; so that great dread of 
disgrace, and great willingness to obey, prevailed among them. 

3. Instead, also, of making their feet soft with sandals, he 
enacted that they should harden them by going without san- 
dals ; thinking that, if they exercised themselves in this state, 
they would go up steep places with far greater ease, and de- 
scend declivities with greater safety; and that they would 
also leap, and skip, and run faster unshod, if they had their 
feet inured to doing so, than shod. 4. Instead of being ren- 
dered effeminate, too, by a variety of dresses, he made it a 
practice that they should accustom themselves to one dress 
throughout the year ; thinking that they would thus be better 
prepared to endure cold and heat. 

5. As to food, he ordained that they should exhort the boys 2 
to take only such a quantity as never to be oppressed with 
repletion, and not to be strangers to living somewhat frugally ; 
supposing that, being thus brought up, they would be the 
better able, if they should be required, to support toil under a 
scarcity of supplies, would be the more likely to persevere in 

1 Haidayu)yovg.~\ There is no word in English for the pcedagogw. See 
the Translation of Quintilian, i. 1. 8, and note. 

2 2wjn/3ow\£W£iv rbv appsva.] For rbv dppeva Schneider would read 
rbv t'ipeva (see sect. 11), making the sense, "that the full-grown younf? 
man, or chief of any company of youths, should exhort those" under him,' 1 
&o. ?.vjAfiov\Evtiv is prcecipere, hortari 


exertion, should it be imposed on them, on the same quantity 
of provisions, and would be less desirous of sauces, more easily 
satisfied with any kind of food, and pass their lives in greater 
health. ' He also considered that the fare which rendered the 
body slender would be more conducive to increasing its stature 
than that which expanded it with nutriment. 6. Yet that 
the boys might not suffer too much from hunger, Lycurgus, 
though he did not allow them to take what they wanted with- 
out trouble, gave them liberty to steal certain things to relieve 
the cravings of nature ; and he made it honourable to steal as 
many cheeses as possible. 1 7. That he did not give them 
leave to form schemes for getting food because he was at a 
loss what to allot them, I suppose no one is ignorant ; as it is 
evident that he who designs to steal must be wakeful during 
the night, and use deceit, and lay plots ; and, if he would gaii 
anything of consequence, must employ spies. All these things, 
therefore, it is plain that he taught the children from a desire 
to render them more dexterous in securing provisions, and 
better qualified for warfare. 

8. Some one may say, " Why, then, if he thought it hon- 
ourable to steal, did he inflict a great number of stripes on 
him who was caught in the fact ? " I answer, that in other 
things which men teach, they punish him who does not follow 
his instructions properly ; and that the Lacedaemonians ac- « 
cordingly punished those who were detected as having at- 
tempted to steal in an improper manner. These boys he gave 
in charge to others to scourge them at the altar of Diana 
Orthia ; 2 designing to show by this enactment that it is pos- 
sible for a person, after enduring pain for a short time, to 
enjoy pleasure with credit for a long time. 3 It is also shown 

1 The original of this phrase about the cheeses is transferred to this 
place, on the suggestion of Schneider, from sect. 9, where it encumbers 
the sense. " The Lacedaemonians ate a great deal of cheese ; five minae 
of cheese was one of the contributions to the phiditia ; and it was perhaps 
some of this cheese that the boys who were, according to the Spartan 
custom, admitted to the phiditia, were accustomed to steal." Such is the 
notion of Zeune ; and that food used to be stolen by the boys from the 
phiditia is stated by Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 17. 

2 Diana was so called, says Hesychius, from a place in Arcadia, where 
there was a temple to her. The place appears to have been Mount Or- 
thium, or Orthosium. 

* To gain credit by end; :ring with patience the pain of being whipped 

§ 10 — 14.] TREATMENT OP BOYS. 209 

by this punishment that, where there is need of activity, the 
inert person benefits himself the least, and occasions himself 
most trouble. 

10. In order, too, that the boys, in case of the paedonomus 
being absent, may never be in want of a president, he ap- 
pointed that whoever of the citizens may happen at any time 
to be present is to assume the direction of them, and to enjoin 
whatever he may think advantageous for them, and punish 
them if they do anything wrong. By doing this, Lycurgus 
has also succeeded in rendering the boys much more modest ; 
for neither boys nor men respect any one so much as their 
rulers, li. And that if, on any occasion, no full-grown man 
happen to be present, the boys may not even in that case be 
without a leader, he ordained that the most active of the 
grown-up youths take the command of each band ; so that 
the boys there are never without a superintendent. 

12. It appears to me that I must say something also of the 
boys as objects of affection ; for this has likewise some refer- 
ence to education. Among the other Greeks, a man and boy 
either form a union, as among the Boeotians, and associate 
together, or, as among the Eleians, the men gain the favour 
of the youths by means of attentions bestowed upon them ; 
but there are some of the Greeks who prohibit the suitors for 
the boys' favours from having the least conversation with 
them. 13. But Lycurgus, acting contrary to all these people 
also, thought proper, if any man, being himself such as he 
ought to be, admired the disposition of a youth, and made it 
his object to render him a faultless friend, and to enjoy his 
society, to bestow praise upon him, and regarded this as the 
most excellent kind of education ; but if any man showed that 
his affections were fixed only on the bodily attractions of a 
youth, Lycurgus, considering this as most unbecoming, ap- 
pointed that at Lacedeemon suitors for the favours of boys 
should abstain from intimate connexion with them, not less 
strictly than parents abstain from such intercourse with their 
children, or children of the same family from that with one 
another, u. That such a state of things is disbelieved by 
some, I am not surprised ; for in most states the laws are not 
at all adverse to the love of youths ; but Lycurgus, for his 
part, took such precautions with reference to it. 




On the discipline of the young men. 

i. When boys pass from the condition of children to that 
of young men, the rest of the Greeks withdraw them from the 
charge of the slaves who have had the care of them, and with- 
draw them at the same time from the schools, when no one 
any longer directs them, but the authorities allow them to live 
according to their own pleasure. 2. Lycurgus, however, made 
enactments at variance with this custom ; for observing that 
in youths of such an age there is naturally the greatest spirit, 
the greatest presumption apparent in their conduct, and the 
keenest desire of pleasure prevailing in their minds, he im- 
posed upon them, at that period of life, the most constant toil, 
and contrived as much occupation for them as possible. 3, 
Enacting in addition, too, that if any one should shrink from 
these exercises, he should afterwards be eligible to no kind of 
honours, he occasioned that not only the public magistrates, 1 
but those who had the charge also of individuals, took care 
that they might not, by indolent neglect of their duty, become 
utterly disreputable in the state. 

4. Besides, as he wished to engender in them the deepest 
feelings of modesty, he enjoined them, when they were on the 
public roads, to keep both their hands under their dress, to 
walk along in silence, not to look round in any direction, but 
to keep their eyes on what was before their feet. 5. Hence it 
was made manifest that the male sex is more susceptible of 
acquiring modesty than even the female ; for you would hear 
no more sound of a voice from them than from stone statues ; 
you would have as much difficulty in turning their eyes as if 
they were made of brass ; you would esteem them more bash- 
ful than even virgins in the bridal chamber ; and when they 
came into the philition, 2 you must be content to hear only 
what was asked of them. 

1 Tovg Ik drifioaiovJ] By these words Haas understands all magistrates 
or governors, who give public moral instruction to youth. Sauppe. 

2 The philitia, or, as the word was more frequently Avritten, pheiditia 
(as supposed to be from Qtidotiai, to be sparing), were the public meals 


6. The education among the Lacedaemonians, and that 
among the other Greeks, has now been detailed; and by 
which of the two men are formed to be more obedient and 
unassuming, and more temperate in things in which they 
ought to be temperate, let him who pleases consider. 


Regulations respecting those of mature and advanced age. 

1. On the full-grown men, however, be bestowed the most 
anxious attention ; as he thought that they, if they proved 
such as they ought to be, would have the greatest influence 
in promoting the welfare of the state. 2. Observing, there- 
fore, that among whatever people emulation was excited, 
their bands of singers were most deserving of being heard, and 
their gymnastic contests most worthy of being seen, he con- 
sidered that if he could match the youth with one another in 
a contest for meritorious distinction, they would thus un- 
doubtedly arrive at the greatest eminence in manly excellence. 
How he stimulated them, accordingly, to contend with one 
another, I will relate. 

3. From the men in the full vigour of life the ephori 
choose three, who are called Hippagretaa. Each of these 
makes choice of a hundred others, explaining for what reasons 
he prefers some and rejects others. 4. Those who do not 
obtain this honour are at strife as well with those who have 
rejected them, as with those who have been preferred to 
them ; and they also keep strict watch over one another, lest 
they should act at all laxly, contrary to what is considered 

5. Such strife is both highly acceptable to the gods, and 
extremely beneficial to the community ; for in it is shown what 
a good citizen ought to do; and the people exercise themselves 
individually that they may always be in good condition, and 

of the Lacedaemonians, the same as the syssitia. Some suppose QeidiTia, 
or QidiTia, to be a mere corruption of <pi\iTia, and that the word is actu« 
ally from $i\og. 

v 2 


may severally support the state, if it be at all necessary, with 
all their might. 6. They must also attend to their health, for 
in consequence of this emulation, they engage in boxing 
with one another, whenever they chance to meet ; but any 
person who comes up on the occasion has full power to sepa- 
rate the combatants ; and if either disobeys him that would 
separate them, the pasdonomus takes him before the ephori, 
who inflict a heavy penalty upon him, as they wish to prevent 
anger from ever prevailing so far as to be the cause of dis- 
obedience to the laws. 

7. As to those who have passed the age of puberty, and 
from whom the chief officers of state are chosen, the rest of 
the Greeks, though they exempt them from the cultivation of 
their strength, nevertheless require them to serve in the field ; 
but Lycurgus made it a custom that it should be honourable 
for persons of that age to engage in hunting, unless any pub- 
lic business hindered them, that they might be able, no less 
than the younger men, to endure the hardships of war. 


Meals taken in public. On temperance. 

1. The employments which Lycurgus appointed for each 
period of life have now been almost all specified. What 
mode of living he instituted for all the citizens, I will next 
endeavour to explain. 

2. Lycurgus, then, having found the Spartans, like the 
other Greeks, taking their meals l at home, and knowing that 
most were guilty of excess at them, caused their meals to be 
taken in public, thinking that his regulations would thus be less 
likely to be transgressed. 3. He appointed them such a quan- 
tity of food, that they should neither be overfed nor feel 
stinted. Many extraordinary supplies 2 are also furnished 

1 ^Ktivovvrag."] Answering pretty m 'ich to our word " living." Sturz 
explains it by cibum capientes, aicrjvelv being equivalent to convivari. 

2 Hapakoya.] Beyond, or in addition to, the settled quantity. Weiske. 

§ 4 — 8.] PUBLIC MEALS. 213 

from what is caught in hunting, and for these the rich some- 
times contribute bread ; * so that the table is never without 
provisions, as long as they design the meal to last, and yet is 
never expensive. 

4. Having put a stop likewise to all unnecessary drinking, 
which weakens alike the body and the mind, he gave permis- 
sion that every one should drink when he was thirsty, think- 
ing that the drink would thus be most innoxious and most 
pleasant. When they take their meals together in this man- 
ner, how can any one ruin either himself or his family by 
gluttony or drunkenness ? 5. In other states, equals in age 
generally associate together, and with them modesty has but 
very little influence ; but Lycurgus, at Sparta, mixed citizens 
of different ages, so that the younger are for the most part 
instructed by the experience of the older. 6. It is a custom 
at these public meals, that whatever any one has done to his 
honour in the community is related; so that insolence, or 
disorder from intoxication, or any indecency in conduct or 
language, has there no opportunity of showing itself. 7 . The 
practice of taking meals away from home is also attended 
with these advantages, that the people are obliged to walk 
in taking their departure homewards, and to be careful that 
they may not stagger from the effects of wine, knowing that 
they will not remain where they dined, and that they must 
conduct themselves in the night just as in the day; for it is not 
allowable for any one who is still liable to military duty 2 to 
walk with a torch. 

8. As Lycurgus observed, too, that those who, after taking 
food, exercise themselves, become well-complexioned, plump, 
and robust, while those who are inactive are puffy, unhealthy- 
looking, and feeble, he did not neglect to give attention to 
that point ; and as he perceived that when any one engages 
in labour from his own inclination, he proves himself to have 
his body in efficient condition, he ordered that the oldest 

1 Aprov avrnrapafiaWovoi.'] Neither of the prepositions in this word, 
observes Weiske, is without its force ; for the first signifies that the rich 
give bread in exchange for what is taken in hunting, which bread they 
irapafiaWovoi, set before the guests. 

2 'Ibv tri ififpovpov.] It was only the father of children that was 
a<ppovpog, or exempt from military service, says Schneider, referring to 
Aristot. Polit. ii. 7. 


in each place of exercise should take care that those he- 
longing to it should never be overcome by taking too much 
food. 1 9. With regard to this matter, he appears to me to 
have been by no means mistaken ; for no one would easily 
find men more healthy, or more able-bodied, than the Spar- 
tans ; for they exercise themselves alike in their legs, in their 
hands, and in their shoulders. 


Ordinances regarding children, slaves, and property. 

l. In the following particulars, also, he made enactments 
contrary to the usage of most states ; for in other communi- 
ties each individual has the control over his own children, 
and servants, and property ; but Lycurgus, wishing to order 
things so that the citizens might enjoy some advantage from 
one another, unattended with any reciprocal injury, ordained 
that each should have authority not only over his own chil- 
dren, but over those of others. 2. But when a person is con- 
scious that his fellow-citizens are fathers of the children over 
whom he exercises authority, he must exercise it in such a 
way as he would wish it to be exercised over his own. If a 
boy, on any occasion, receive blows from another boy, and 
complain of that boy to his father, it is considered dishonour 
able in the father not to inflict additional blows on his son. 
Thus they trust to one another to impose nothing disgraceful 
on the children. 

3. He enacted also that a person might use his neighbour's 
servants, if he had need of them. He introduced, too, a com- 
munity of property in hunting-dogs ; so that those who re- 
quire them call on their owner to hunt, who, if he is not at 
leisure to hunt himself, cheerfully sends them out. They use 
horses also in like manner ; for whoever is sick, or wants a 
vehicle, or desires to go to some place speedily, takes posses-^ 

9 So auj to render themselves incapable of engaging in bodily exer 


sion of a horse, if he sees one anywhere, and, after making 
proper use of it, restores it. 

4. Nor, in regard to the following point, did he allow that 
that which is customary among other people should be prac- 
tised among his countrymen. For when men, from being 
overtaken by night in hunting, are in want of provisions, 
unless they have previously furnished themselves with them, 
he directed that, in such a case, those who have partaken of 
what they need, leave the rest ready for use, and that those 
who require a supply, having opened the seals, 1 and taken as 
much as they want, seal the remainder up again and leave it. 
As they share thus, then, with one another, those who possess 
but little participate, whenever they are in need, in all the 
produce of the country. 


Restrictions on the employments of the Lacedaemonians. 

i. The following practices, too, Lycurgus established in 
Sparta, at variance with those of the rest of Greece. In 
other communities all gain as much by traffic as they can ; one 
cultivates land, another trades by sea, another engages in 
general commerce, another maintains himself by art. 2. But 
at Sparta, Lycurgus prohibited free men from having any 
connexion with traffic, and enjoined them to consider as their 
only occupation whatever secures freedom to states. 2 3. How, 
indeed, could wealth be eagerly sought in a community where 

1 Weiske may well observe that " too much brevity has rendered this 
passage obscure." But it appears that the Lacedaemonians had cellars 
or storehouses for provisions in their grounds ; that the doors, or other 
apertures in them, were sealed ; and that such as were in distress for 
food, like the hunters in the text, might break the seals, extract what 
they required, and then seal up the openings again with the iron seal- 
rings which they wore. See Sauppe's note ; Muller's Dorians, ii. 191 
205; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 4; Plutarch de Instit. Lacedaem. p. 238. 

8 As knowledge of military affairs, strength of body maintained tj ex- 
ercise, and the practice of temperance and ther virtues. 


he had appointed that the citizens should contribute equally 
to their necessary maintenance, and should take their meals 
in common, and had thus provided that they should not desire 
wealth with a view to sensual gratifications ? Nor had they, 
moreover, to get money for the sake of clothiug ; for they 
think themselves adorned, not by expensive raiment, but by 
a healthy personal appearance. 4. Nor have they to gather 
money for the purpose of spending it on those who eat with 
them, since he has made it more honourable for a person to 
serve his neighbours by bodily exertion, than by putting him- 
self to pecuniary expense ; making it apparent that the one 
proceeds from the mind, and the other from fortune. 

5. From acquiring money by unjust means, he prohibited 
them by such methods as the following. He instituted, in the 
first place, such a kind of money, that, even if but ten minae 
came into a house, it could never escape the notice either of 
masters or of servants ; for it would require much room, and 
a carriage to convey it. 6. In the next place, gold and silver 
are searched after, and, if they are discovered anywhere, the 
possessor of them is punished. How, then, could gain by 
traffic be an object of pursuit, in a state where the possession 
of money occasions more pain than the use of it affords pleasure ? 


Obedience to the magistrates and laws. 

1. That at Sparta the citizens pay the strictest obedience 
to the magistrates and laws, we all know. I suppose, how- 
ever, that Lycurgus did not attempt to establish such an ex- 
cellent order of things, until he had brought the most power- 
ful men in the state to be of the same mind with regard to it. 
2. I form my opinion on this consideration, that, in other 
states, the more influential men are not willing even to appear 
to fear the magistrates, but think that such fear is unbecoming 
free men ; but in Sparta, the most powerful men not only put 
themselves under the magistrates, but even count it an honour 

§ 3 — 5.] POWER OF THE EPHORI. 217 

to humble themselves before them, and to obey, when they 
are called upon, not walking, but running ; supposing that if 
they themselves are the first to pay exact obedience, others 
will follow their example ; and such has been the case. 3. It is 
probable, also, that the chief men established the magistracy of 
the Ephori, in conjunction with Lycurgus, as they must have 
been certain that obedience is of the greatest benefit, alike in 
a state, and in an army, and in a family ; and they doubtless 
considered that the greater power magistrates have, the great- 
er effect will they produce on the citizens in enforcing obedi- 
ence. 1 4. The Ephori, accordingly, have full power to im- 
pose a fine on whomsoever they please, and to exact the fine 
without delay ; they have power also to degrade magistrates 
even while they are in office, and to put them in prison, and 
to bring them to trial for their life. Being possessed of such 
authority, they do not, like the magistrates in other states, 
always permit those who are elected to offices to rule during 
the whole year as they choose, but, like despots and presid- 
ents in gymnastic contests, punish on the instant whomsoever 
they find acting at all contrary to the laws. 

5. Though there were many other excellent contrivances 
adopted by Lycurgus, to induce the citizens to obey the laws, 
the most excellent of all appears to me to be, that he did not 
deliver his laws to the people until he had gone, in company 
with the most eminent of his fellow-citizens, to Delphi, and 
consulted the god whether it would be more beneficial and 
advantageous for Sparta to obey the laws which he had 
made. As the god replied that it would be more beneficial 
in every way, he at once delivered them, deciding that it 
would be not only illegal, but impious, to disobey laws sanc- 
tioned by the oracle. 

1 Kara7r\^?£ti/ tovq 7ro\i'rac tov viraicoveiv.'] The construction is not 
very clear. Moms understands 'iviKa before tov viraKovuv. 'E7rt seems 
preferable. Schneider thinks those two words spurious, and to be ejected. 
Zeune's interpretation of the phrase is, " con movere auctoritate sua ad 



Infamy and penalties of cowardice. 

l. It is deserving of admiration, too, in Lycurgus, that he 
made it a settled principle in the community, that an honour- 
able death is preferable to a dishonourable life ; for whoever 
pays attention to the subject will find that fewer of those who 
hold this opinion die, than of those who attempt to escape 
danger by flight. 2. Hence we may say with truth, that 
safety attends for a much longer period on valour than on 
cowardice; for valour is not only attended with less anxiety and 
greater pleasure, but is also more capable of assisting and sup- 
porting us. It is evident, too, that good report accompanies 
valour ; for almost everybody is willing to be in alliance with 
the brave. 

3. How he contrived that such sentiments should be enter- 
tained, it is proper not to omit to mention. He evidently, 
then, intended a happy life for the brave, and a miserable one 
for the cowardly. 4. In other communities, when a man acts 
as a coward, he merely brings on himself the name of coward, 
but the coward goes to the same market, and sits or takes 
exercise, if he pleases, in the same place with the brave man ; 
at Lacedaemon, however, every one would be ashamed to ad- 
mit a coward into the same tent with him, or to allow him to 
be his opponent in a match at wrestling. Frequently, too, a 
person of such a character, when they choose opposite parties 
to play at ball, is left without any place ; and in forming a 
chorus he is thrust into the least honourable position. On 
the road he must yield the way to others, and at public meet- 
ings he must rise up, even before his juniors. His female 
relatives l he must maintain at home, 2 and they must pay the 
penalty of his want of spirit ; 3 he is also not allowed to have 

1 Tag rrpoar)Kovaaq Kopag.] Not only daughters, but other female re* 
J lations, whom he might happen to have under his protection ; else the 

writer would have used the word SvyaTspag. Sauppe. 

2 As they will be excluded from all the exercises on the banks of the 
Eurotas, mentioned in c. 5. Schneider. 

* Tavraig Trjg avavdpiag airiav ixpacreov.'] Schneider would tak* 
JivavSpia in the sense of " want of husbands," as dvavdpog Kopri in Euri' 


his hearth without a wife, and must at the same time pay a 
Sne for being in that condition. 1 He must not walk abroad 
anointed, 2 or imitate the manners of persons of blameless 
character ; else he will have to receive stripes from his betters. 
Since, then, such disgrace is inflicted on cowards, I do not at 
all wonder that death is preferred at Sparta to a life so dis- 
honourable and infamous. 


Honours paid to old age. Encouragement of virtue. 

1. Lycurgtjs seems to me to have provided also, with great 
judgment, how virtue might be practised even to old age ; for 
by adding to his other enactments the choice of senators 3 at 
an advanced stage of life, he caused honour and virtue not to 
be disregarded even in old age. 

2. It is worthy of admiration in him, too, that he attached 
consideration to the old age of the well-deserving ; for by 
making the old men arbiters in the contest for superiority in 
mental qualifications, he rendered their old age more honour- 
able than the vigour of those in the meridian of life. 3. This 

pides means more than once a girl that finds no husband. But this, as 
Sauppe observes, is incompatible with airiav vir'extiv, which can mean 
nothing else but subire culpam. Camerarius and some others read dvav- 

1 rvvancbg 8k Ksvrjv koriav ov TrtpioTrrkov, Kal afia rovrov Zrjfiiav airo- 
rioreov.] I have translated these words according to the sense attributed 
to them by Sauppe. As he is a citizen, he is under obligation to marry ; 
but being unable to obtain a wife through infamia for cowardice, he has 
to pay a penalty for living unmarried. Zrifiia, says Schneider, seems to 
mean a pecuniary fine. Dindorf omits the ov, making the passage signify 
that the coward must have his hearth without a wife, as he will be unable 
te-get one. But the ov is found in all copies, and Sauppe's explanation 
is very satisfactory. 

2 He is not allowed to walk about through the city and the fields anoint- 
ed with oil. The use of ointments was permitted in war, but the coward 
had fled from the field. Comp. Plut. Ages. c. 30, where it is said that 
any one who pleases may strike a coward, and that they go about " squalid 
and mean." Weiske. 

3 In the room of a deceased senator, the most meritorious of the citizen* 
above sixty years of age was chosen. Plutarch Lycurg. c. 26. 


contest is deservedly held in the greatest esteem among the 
people, for gymnastic contests are attended with honour, but 
they concern only bodily accomplishments ; the contest for dis- 
tinction in old age involves a decision respecting merits of the 
mind. In proportion, therefore, as the mind is superior to the 
body, so much are contests for mental eminence more worthy of 
regard than those concerning bodily superiority. 

4. Is it not highly worthy of admiration, also, in Lycurgus, 
that when he saw that those who are disinclined 1 to practise 
virtue are not qualified to increase the power of their country, 
he obliged all the citizens of Sparta to cultivate every kind of 
virtue publicly. As private individuals, accordingly, who 
practise virtue, are superior in it to those who neglect it, so 
Sparta is naturally superior in virtue to all other states, as it 
is the only one that engages in a public cultivation of honour 
and virtue. 5. Is it not also deserving of commendation, 
that, when other states punish any person that injures another, 
Lycurgus inflicted no less punishment on any one that openly 
showed himself regardless of becoming as good a man as pos- 
sible ? 6. He thought, as it appears, that by those who make 
others slaves, or rob them, or steal anything, the individual 
sufferers only are injured, but that by the unprincipled and 
cowardly whole communities are betrayed ; so that he appears 
to me to have justly imposed the heaviest penalties on such 

7. He also imposed on his countrymen an obligation, from 
which there is no exception, of practising every kind of poli- 
tical virtue ; for he made the privileges of citizenship equally 
available to all those who observed what was enjoined by the 
laws, without taking any account either of weakness of body 
or scantiness of means ; but if any one was too indolent to 
perform what the laws prescribed, Lycurgus appointed that 
he should be no longer counted in the number of equally pri- 
vileged citizens. 

8. That these laws are extremely ancient is certain ; for 
Lycurgus is said to have lived in the time of the Heracleidse; 2 
but, ancient as they are, they are still very new to other com- 

1 I read oi fxrj fiovXSfxevoi, with Leunclavius, Zeune, and Schneider. 
Dindorf retains the old reading, otcov oi f3ov\6[itvot, on which every com- 
mentator has written something, but which no one has explained. 

2 That is, at the time of the return of the Heracleidse, as Muller inter* 
prets it in his Dorians* I. 133. isauppe* 


munities ; for, what is the most wonderful of all things, all 
men extol sucb institutions, but no state thinks proper to imi- 
tate them. 


Of the Lacedaemonian army 

1. The regulations which I have mentioned are beneficial 
alike in peace and in war ; but if any one wishes to learn 
what he contrived better than other legislators with reference 
to military proceedings, he may attend to the following par- 

2. In the first place, then, the Ephori give the cavalry and 
infantry public notice of the years during which they must 
join the army, as well as the artisans ; for the Lacedasmonians 
provide themselves in the field with an abundance of all those 
things which people use in a city ; and of whatever instru- 
ments 1 an army may require in common, orders are given to 
bring some on waggons, and others on beasts of burden, as 
by this arrangement anything left behind is least likely to 
escape notice. 

3. For engagements in the field he made the following ar- 
rangements. He ordered that each soldier should have a 
purple robe and a brazen shield ; for he thought that such a 
dress had least resemblance to that of women, and was excel- 
lently adapted for the field of battle, as it is soonest made 
splendid, and is longest in growing soiled. He permitted also 
those above the age of puberty to let their hair grow, as he 
thought that they thus appeared taller, more manly, and more 
terrible in the eyes of the enemy. 

4. When they were thus equipped, he divided them into 
aix morse 2 of cavalry and heavy-armed infantry. Each of 

1 As axes, hand-mills, kneading-troughs, whetstones, &c. Comp. Cyrop. 
vi. 2. 34. Weiske. 

2 The mora consisted originally of four hundred men. But its number 
was afterwards increased. Xenophon speaks of it as consisting of six 
hundred men, Hellen. iv. 5. 11, 12 Ephorus mentioned it as a body of 
five hundred, and Polybius of nine hundred ; Plutarch, Pelop. c. 17. The 


these inorae of the citizens 1 has one polemarch, four centurions, 
eight captains of fifty, and sixteen enomotarchs. 2 The men 
of these morae are sometimes, according to the command issued, 
formed in enomotiae, sometimes by threes, sometimes by sixes. 3 
5. As to what most people imagine, that the arrangement of 
the Lacedaemonians under arms is extremely complex, they 
conceive the exact contrary to what is the fact ; for in the 
Lacedaemonian order the officers are placed in the front ranks, 
and each rank is in a condition to perform everything which 
it is necessary for it to perform. 4 6. So easy is it to under- 
stand this arrangement, that no one, who can distinguish one 
man from another, would fail of learning it ; for it is assigned 
to some to lead, and enjoined on others to follow. Shiftings 
of place, by which the companies are extended or deepened, 
are ordered by the word of the enomotarch, as by a herald ; 
and in these there is nothing in the least difficult to learn. 
7. But how it is possible for men in this arrangement, even if 
they are thrown into confusion, to fight with an enemy pre- 
text has " morae of cavalry and infantry," but the mora appears to have 
been only a battalion of foot. The writer of the article "Army" in 
Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiquities says that to each mora of in- 
fantry there was attached a mora of cavalry, consisting at most of one 
hundred men. But for this statement I have not discovered his authority. 
Schneider thinks that iinr&iQ was a political appellation for a body of men 
that were not necessarily cavalry, and that are in this passage only said 
to have been divided into morce. 

1 Twj/ 7ro\inicwj/ popCbv.] Stobseus, citing the passage, has oitXitikCjv, 
which Leunclavius, Morus, Zeune, and Weiske have adopted, and which 
will certainly satisfy most readers better than tcoXitik&v. 

* The original complement of an enomotia appears to have been twenty- 
five men, including the captain or enomotarch. 

3 Tots fiev tie tvajfj-OTiag, tots Se dg rpCig, tots Se elg e%.~\ These 
words have perplexed the commentators. There appears to have been no 
better explanation of them offered than that of Haas : that elg kvojfioriag 
is when the men of the enomotia are ranged in single file, with the eno- 
motarch at their head ; dg rpelg, when they are three abreast and eight 
deep ; dg ££, when they are six abreast and four deep. 

4 'O arixog sKaarog ttolvt' €%wv, ocra Sel 7rap!%£(T0ai.] Schneider 
fairly confesses that he does not understand these words. Weiske, with 
Morus, would read xdvra Trapk-x^v, omnia prcestans, or faciens, making 
the signification to be, that every man in each file imitates exactly what 
the foremost man does ; but in opposition to this change of reading, it may 
be asked why the participle should be active, and the infinitive middle ? 
Leunclavius 's version has, Et series qucelibet habet omnia quibus reprasen- 
tatis opus est. Gail translates thus : " Et chaqice file porte avec die ce 
gvi lui est necesaaire." 

§ 8 — 10.] MILITARY MANOEUVRES. 223 

senting themselves on any quarter alike, it is not so easy to 
understand, except for those who have been brought up under 
the institution of Lycurgus. 8. The Lacedaemonians do with 
the greatest ease what appears extremely difficult to other 
men that are even accustomed to arms. For when they march 
in column, one enomotia follows in the rear of another ; l and 
if, when they are in this order, a body of the enemy shows 
itself in front, orders are given to each enomotarch to bring 
up his enomotia to the front on the left ; and this movement 
is made throughout the whole army, until it presents itself 
in full array against the enemy. But if again, while they are 
in this order, the enemy should show themselves in the rear, 
each rank performs an evolution, 2 that the strongest 3 may 
always be presented to the enemy. 

9. But when the commander is on the left, they do not 
in that case consider themselves in a worse condition, but 
sometimes even in a better ; for if an enemy should attempt 
to encompass them, he would come round, not on the defence- 
less, but on the armed side. If on any occasion, again, it 
should appear advantageous, for any particular object, that 
the commander should occupy the right wing, they wheel the 
troop towards the wing, and manoeuvre 4 the main body, until 
the commander is on the right, and the rear becomes the left. 
10. But if, again, a body of the enemy appear on the right, 
marching in column, they do nothing else but turn each cen- 
tury round, like a ship, so as to front the enemy ; and thus 
the century which was in the rear comes to the right. But 
if the enemy approach on the left, they do not allow them to 
come near, but repulse them, or turn their centuries round to 
face the enemy ; and thus again the century that was in the 
rear takes its place on the left. 

1 Kar' ovpav dr/nov tvu/xoTia sVerat.] A tergo manipularia series 
altera sequitur alteram. Latin version in Didot's edition. 

2 'E&Xirrercri.] Weiske interprets this word by convertitur, " turns 
itself," and Schneider adopts the interpretation. 

3 Oi fcparioroi.] Weiske understands the dpxovTeg or 7rpa>ro<rrarai, 
mentioned in sect. 5. Much of this account of the Lacedaemonian army 
is very obscure. 

4 'EZfXirTovaiJ] £ee note on this word, sect. 8. 



Of the Spartan mode of encampment, 

l. I will also explain how Lycurgus directed that a camp 
should be pitched. As the angles of a quadrilateral figure 
are useless, he formed the encampment in a circle, unless 
there happened to be a mountain to protect it, or unless the 
troops kept a wall or a river behind them. 2. He appointed 
guards during the day, some close by the camp, looking into 
it ; l for these are stationed with reference, not to the ene- 
my, but to their own friends: 2 as for the enemy, cavalry 
watch their approach from posts from which they command 
the farthest view. 3. If any went out of the camp 3 at night, 
he directed that they should be watched by the Sciritse ; 4 a 
duty which is now performed by the mercenary troops, [ifj 
any of them [happen] 5 to be with the army. As to their 
custom of always going about with spears, 6 we may know for 
certain that it is observed for the same reason for which they 
always prohibit slaves from entering the army. That those 

' Tag fikv iraga tcl oirXa eicw fiXtTzovaag.'] Most copies have irpbg 
instead of napa. Sturz, Schneider, and LeunclaVius agree that 07rXa 
means the camp. 

2 Ov — 7roX(fii(i)v eveica, aXXa <pLXwv.'] I see no meaning in these words. 
All guards are posted as well with a view to the enemy as to their friends ; 
they are posted to secure their friends from being surprised by the enemy. 
Gail renders the words, " Ce n'est pas contre l'ennemi qu'elles sont 
postees, mais pour veiller sur l'armee," which is certainly of a piece with 
the Greek. 

3 *E£a> tj)q <paXayyoQ.~\ That is, Vc,u tu>v 07rXu)v, " out of the camp." 
Comp. Weiske ad Ages. c. 2, sect. 15. Schneider. 

4 So called from Scirus, a town of Arcadia, which the Lacedaemonians 
reduced, and put the men of it into their army as cavalry, using them 
on services of the greatest danger. Weiske. See note on Cyrop. iv. 2. 1. 

5 There is a hiatus in the original. Weiske supposes that rjv Tvyx^vuxri 
may have fallen out of the text. 

6 I know not that any other writer has spoken of this custom. The 
Lacedaemonians were skilful in the use of the spear, Memorab. iii. 9. 2 ; 
and I suppose that they were accustomed to carry their spears about with 
them in the camp, as a defence against the slaves, who were far superior 
to them in numbers, and whom they could thus more easily suppress in case 
of any disturbance arising among them. Weiske. Schneider refers tc 
Libanius, Or. de Servitute, Tom. ii. p. 85, ed. Reisk. 


who retire on necessary occasions do not withdraw farther 
from one another or from the camp than just to such a distance 
as will not cause each other uneasiness, must not excite sur- 
prise in us ; for they observe such caution for self-preserva- 

5. They change the position of their camp frequently, with 
the view both of doing damage to their enemies and of serving 
their friends. It is prescribed by law that all the Lacedae- 
monians are to practise gymnastic exercises whenever they 
are in the field ; l and they thus acquire a finer appearance 
than they had before, and a more manly air than other men. 
But the space for walking or running must be made not less, 
[and not much greater,] 2 than the space over which a mora 
would extend, 3 in order that no one may go far away from 
his arms. 6. When the exercises are concluded, the first 
polemarch gives orders for them to sit down ; this serves the 
purpose of a review ; he then orders them to take their break- 
fast, and soon after to relieve the advanced sentinel. 4 The 
men then amuse themselves and take rest previously to the 
evening exercises. 8. After these, orders are issued that they 
may take supper, and that, when they have sung a hymn to 
the gods, from whom they have had favourable omens when 
sacrificing, they may repose themselves on their arms. 

That I specify many particulars, no one ought to be sur- 
prised ; for an observer will find very few things that require 
care omitted by the Lacedaemonians in their military regula- 

1 Sauppe refers to Herodot. vii. 208 ; Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. 

2 Weiske supposes that something equivalent to the words in brackets 
has been lost out of the text. 

3 If the men in it were placed all in a line. Weiske. 

4 Tbv TrpovKOTTov vtrokveoBai,'] Weiske supposes that one of the horse- 
men mentioned in sect. 2 is meant, who was posted in advance. He 
would read with Leunclavius, airoXveaOcu. 




Of the authority and duties of the king in the field. Of the Spartan war- 
fare in general. 

i. I will also relate what power and honour Lycurgus has 
assigned to the king when he is with the army. In the first 
place, the state supports the king on an expedition, and those 
who attend on him ; and the polemarchs pitch their tents 
close by him, that, being always at hand, they may be the bet- 
ter able to take counsel with him, if they require to do so. 
Three others, also, of the equally privileged citizens pitch 
their tents with him ; and these attend to all the provisions 
for the rest, 1 that no business of that kind may prevent them 
from attending to military affairs. 

2. But I will go back to describe how the king sets forth 
with the army. He first sacrifices, while still at home, to 
Jupiter and the gods with him, 2 and if the omens there be 
favourable, the fire-bearer, 3 taking fire from the altar, leads 
the way to the confines of the country, when the king again 
sacrifices 4 to Jupiter and Minerva. 3. When favourable 
omens have been obtained from both these deities, he then 
crosses the boundaries of the country ; and the fire from these 
sacrifices is carried before him, never being extinguished, and 
all kinds of victims 5 are taken with him. But whenever 
sacrifice is offered, he always commences that duty before 
daybreak, wishing to be the earliest to gain the good- 
will 6 of the god. 7 4. There are present at the sacrifice, the 

1 TowroTg.] Regi et suis. Dativus est commodi. Weiske. 

2 Toie avv avT(f.^\ Aliisque ccelitibus. Philelphus. 

3 A herald, perhaps the chief of the heralds, whose business it was to 
carry the fire on the occasion. 

4 These are the sacrifices called dia&aTrjpia, mentioned in Hellen. iii, 4. 
3 ; iii. 5. 3 ; iv. 7, 2. Satippe. 

5 As the goat, which was sacrificed immediately before a battle; see 
sect. 8, and Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. ; the ox, which was offered to Mars 
after they had defeated the enemy by able tactics ; and the cock, which 
was offered to the same deity when they had come off indisputably vic- 
torious in the field: see Plutarch de Lacedsfim. Instit. p. 887. Zeune. 

8 JlpoXafitavnv (3ov\6f~evoG.~\ " Dans la vue d'obtenir avant les au- 
tres humains les bienfaits de la divinite." Gail. 
7 Apollo. 


polemarchs, the centurions, the captains of fifties, the officers 
of the mercenaries, the captains of the baggage-troop, and any 
one of the military commanders from the towns 1 that chooses. 
5. There are present, also, two of the ephori, who, however, 
take no active part in the proceedings, unless the king calls 
upon them ; but, as they observe what every one does, they 
render the whole company, as is to be expected, more solemn 
in their deportment. When the sacrifice is concluded, the 
king, calling all the officers around him, gives directions as to 
what is to be done ; 2 so that, if you watched all these proceed- 
ings attentively, you would think that other nations engaged 
in military operations without premeditation, and that the 
Lacedaemonians were the only people really skilled in the con- 
duct of war. 

6. If, when the king commences his march, no enemy ap- 
pears, no one goes before him except the Sciritae and the 
cavalry ordered to reconnoitre ; but if they expect that a battle 
will ensue, the king, taking the foremost troop 3 of the first 
mora, and wheeling it round, leads it off to the right, until he 
reaches the space between two moras and two polemarchs. 4 
7. Those who are to be stationed next to these, the eldest of 
the attendants on the royal tent 5 draws up ; and these are 
such of the equally privileged citizens as pitch their tents to- 
gether, as well as the augurs, the physicians, the officers of 
the army, 6 and the volunteers, if there be any. Thus no pan 
of what is necessary to be done is attended with any difficulty; 
for everything has been previously considered. 

8. The following particulars, too, as it appears to me, 
Lycurgus ordered with great advantage in regard to contests 
in arms. When a goat is sacrificed, 7 the enemy being in 
sight, it is the custom that all the flute-players who are in 
attendance play on their flutes, and that every one of the 

1 'A7r6 t5>v ttoXzwv.'] The towns of the Spartan perioeci seem to be 
meant. See Hellen. iii. 3. 6. Weiske. 

3 Compare Thucyd. v. 66. 

1 To dy/jjita.] That is, to rjyovfievov. Haas. 

4 The two posted on the right, we must understand. 

5 Hepl rr\v dapoffiav.] Sc. GKrjvi'iv. Comp. sect. 2, and c. 15, sect. 
4 ; also Hellen. vi. 4. 14. ; iv. 5. 8. 

* Oi tov (Trparov apxovrsc.] Manso (Sparta, vol. i. p. 234) propose 
to read aK/xatovreg. It is not clear to me who are meant. Weiske. 
1 See Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22; Pausanias, ix. 13 

4 2 


Lacedaemonians wear a chaplet ; and notice is given that the 
arms be made bright. It is expected of the youth to engage 
in battl 3 with their hair combed, 1 and with a cheerful look 
and fair appearance. 9. They also call out the orders to the 
enomotarch ; for the voice cannot reach along the whole of 
each enomotia from each enomotarch at the extremity; but to 
see that all is properly done is the business of the polemarch. 
10. As to the time when it may seem proper to pitch the camp, 
the king has the direction, as well as the power of pointing 
out the place where it must be pitched. 

To the king it also belongs to send embassies, either to 
friends or enemies. Every one, indeed, when he wishes to do 
anything of consequence, begins by consulting the king. 11. If 
any one comes seeking justice, the king refers him to the 
Hellanodica^; 2 if money, to the paymasters; if he brings in 
spoil, to the sellers of the spoil. Things being thus ordered, 
no other duty is left for the king in the field, than to act as 
priest in what regards the gods, and as general in what con- 
cerns men. 


Departure from the discipline of Lycurgus. 

1. 3 [If any one should ask me, whether the laws of Lycur- 
gus appear to me to continue even at the present time intact, 
I could certainly no longer reply with confidence in the af- 
firmative. 2. For I know that the Lacedaemonians formerly 
preferred to associate together at home, though with moderate 
means, rather than to grow corrupt by governing foreign 
cities, and listening to flatterers. 3. I know that they were 
formerly afraid to let it be known that they were possessed of 

1 Tqivky KtKrevL<Tfikvq).'\ This is Schneider's emendation. Dindorf 
retains the old reading KeKpifAsvy. Zeune conjectures Kucpifievip icofxtjv. 
"VVsiske, kou Kofitjv di.aKiKpifJ.kvcj}. 

9 Weiske calls \h.em judices Laceclcemoniorum castrenses, men who sat 
as judges in the camp of the Lacedaemonians; and compares them to the 
Roman tribunes. 

3 Weiske, Schneider, and Dindorf include this chapter in bracket?, as 
being either spurious or out of place. 


gold ; but some at present, I am aware are ostentatious of 
possessing it. 4. 1 know that for this reason strangers were 
formerly banished from Sparta, and that citizens were not 
allowed to reside abroad, lest they should be initiated in licen- 
tiousness by foreigners ; but now I know, that those who are 
thought the chief men among them have shown the utmost 
eagerness to be constantly engaged in governing some foreign 
city. 5. There was a time, too, when they made it their 
study to render themselves worthy to be governors ; but now 
they use far more exertion to obtain rule, than to prove them- 
selves deserving of it. 6. Hence the Greeks formerly used to 
resort to Lacedsemon, and request them to be their leaders 
against those who were convicted of doing wrong ; but now 
many of the Greeks exhort one another to prevent them from 
ever again taking the lead. 7. Yet we must not feel surprised 
that such reproach is thrown upon them, since they evidently 
show themselves neither obedient to the deity, 1 nor to the 
laws of Lycurgus.] 


Compact between the kings and the people. 

1. I wish, also, to state what compact Lycurgus instituted 
between the king and the state; for this is the only govern- 
ment that continues just as it was established at the very be- 
ginning; other constitutions we may find either changed, or 
at present undergoing change. 

2. Lycurgus, then, appointed that the king should offer all 
the public sacrifices on behalf of the state, as being descended 
from Jupiter, and that he should command the army wherever 
the state should think proper to send it. 3. He allowed the 
king also to receive an honorary portion of the sacrifices offer- 
ed, and appointed him choice portions of land in the territory 
of many of the neighbouring towns, of such an extent that he 
might neither be in want of moderate means, nor be possessed 
of extravagant wealth. 4. That the kings might take their 

1 Apollo, who is often called 6 Sabq icar' £%o)(r}v } as in c. 8, § 5. Weiske. 


meals 1 in a tent away from home, too, he assigned them a 
public tent, and honoured them with a double portion at din- 
ner, not that they might eat twice as much as others, but that 
they might have it in their power to honour whomsoever they 
pleased with a part of it. 5. He permitted also each of 
the kings to choose for himself two tent-companions, whom 
they call Pythii. 2 He allowed the king, too, to take a pig 
from the brood of every sow, that he might never be in want 
of victims, if it should be necessary for him to consult the 
gods. 6. Near the palace, a lake affords abundance of water ; 
and that such a supply is useful for many purposes, those who 
are without it know extremely well. All rise up from their 
seats before the king, except the ephori from their seats of 
office. 7. They take an oath to each other every month, the 
ephori for the state, and the king for himself. The oath on 
the part of the king is, that he will govern according to the 
existing laws of the state ; the oath on the part of the state is, 
that if the king adheres to his word, they will preserve his 
kingdom unshaken. 

8. Such are the honours that are granted to the king in his 
native land, while living, honours not far exceeding those that 
are paid to private individuals ; for Lycurgus did not wish to 
excite a tyrannical spirit in the kings, or to inspire the citi- 
zens with envy of their power. 9. As to the honours which 
are paid to a king when dead, the laws of Lycurgus wish to 
show by them that they have honoured the kings of the La- 
cedaemonians, not as men, but as heroes. 

v l "E4w gktivouv.] Publico convictu utantur, non domi cum familia 
epulentur. Comp. c. 5, sect. 7, and c. 5, sect. 2, 4. Schneider. Sxrqvttv, 
convivari, eommorari dum cibum capiunt. See Sturz, Lex. Xen. 

2 So called, because their proper business "was to go as deputies to con- 
sult the oracle at Delphi of which he original name was Pytho. &«« 
Herod. vL 57. 



The Athenians adopt judicious measures for maintaining a democratic form 
of government, § 1 — 9. The condition of slaves and foreigners at Athens, 
10 — 12. Some indolence and corruption among the Athenians, 13. Little 
favour shown by them to the higher order of the people among their allies, 
14, 15. Why the allies are obliged to bring their law-suits to be tried at 
Athens, 16—18. Their nautical skill, 19, 20. 

i. As to the government of the Athenians, 1 I do not com- 
mend them for having chosen that form of government, for 
this reason, that, by making such a choice, they chose that 
the lower class should be in a better condition than the upper ; 
for this reason, then, I say, I do not commend them ; but I 
will show that, since this state of things has been adopted by 
them, they support their constitution well, and successfully 
transact other things in which they appear to the rest of the 
Greeks to be in error. 

2. I shall observe, then, in the first place, that in such a con- 
stitution the poor and the plebeian have deservedly greater in- 
fluence than the well-born and the rich ; because it is the 
plebeians that manage the shipping, and that in consequence 
increase the power of the state ; for the pilots and celeustse, 2 

1 Sauppe supposes that the abrupt beginning of this treatise indicates 
that it has been detached from some large work on the merits of the vari- 
ous forms of government in Greece. 

2 A kind of naval fugle-men, to whose voice and signals the rowers 
kept time. See note on CEcon. c. 21, sect- ° 


and capta.ns of fifty rowers, and forecastle-men, 1 and ship- 
builders, are those who add strength to the community far 
more than the noble and better class of citizens. Since such 
is the case, therefore, it seems to be but just that all of them 
should have a voice concerning the offices of state, whether the 
election to them be by lot or by show of hands, and that every 
one of the citizens who wishes should have liberty to speak. 

3. In those offices, however, which, from being efficiently or 
inefficiently held, cause safety or peril to the whole common- 
wealth, the people have no desire to participate ; they do not 
expect to be admitted to the office of commander-in-chief or 
of general of the cavalry ; for they are sensible that they are 
more benetited by not taking upon themselves such offices, but 
allowing the most influential 2 of the citizens to hold them ; 
but whatever posts are held for pay, 3 or attended with benefit 
to their families, these the people try to gain. 

4. In the very fact, too, at which some wonder, that they 
everywhere give more weight to the less respectable, the poor, 
and the plebeians, than to those of a higher class, they will 
but prove that they uphold their democratic form of govern- 
ment ; for if the humble, the men of the people, and the lower 
orders prosper and increase in number, they add to the po- 
pular power ; but if the wealthier and higher classes are ad- 
vanced in prosperity, the plebeians establish in authority a 
party opposed to themselves. 5. In every country, indeed, 
the better class of the people is adverse to a democracy ; for 
in the most respectable portion of a community there is the 
least licentiousness and injustice, and the strictest regard to 
honesty ; but among the plebeians the greatest ignorance, in- 
subordination, and vice ; for poverty leads them much more 
to dishonourable practices, and to some men want of instruc- 
tion and knowledge, in consequence of the want of money. .. 4 

1 UptopaTai.] Men who stood on the look-out at the prow, and made 
signals io the steersman. 

2 AvvariOTOLTovg.] Ditissimos. Weiske. 

3 Mia9o<popiag eveica ] We may suppose that the pay is meant which 
was given not only to the common people in the assemblies, but to the 
senators and judges. See Demosth. adv. Timocrat. p. 731, ed. Reisk. 
That three oboli were given to the judges in the Heliaea for every cause 
that they tried, we see in Pollux, viii. 9. Bribery of judges is mentioned, 
2. 3, sect. 3. Zewiie. 

* Schneider and Morus suppose that sonr ething has dropped out of Lie 


6. Some person may perhaps remark, that they should not 
have allowed all men without distinction to speak in public, 
and offer advice, but only those of the greatest ability and of 
the highest character ; but even in this respect they act with 
excellent judgment, by permitting even the mean to speak ; for 
if the highest class only made speeches and offered their 
opinions, what they say might be of advantage to men like 
themselves, but of no advantage to the plebeians ; but now, 
even the lowest individual of the people, standing up to speak 
if he pleases, can bring to light something that may be bene- 
ficial both to himself and to his equals. 7. Some one might 
ask, " What measure can such a man devise that is likely to be 
beneficial either to himself or to the people ? " but the Atheni- 
ans know that his imperfect knowledge and humble views, if 
attended with benevolence, are more likely to profit the com- 
munity than the talents and wisdom of the higher character, if 
accompanied with dishonest intentions. 

8. Under such modes of proceeding the constitution may 
not be the very best, but the democratic form of government 
will thus be excellently preserved ; for the people are by no 
means desirous, while the state is well regulated, to be them- 
selves slaves, but to be free and to govern. If the govern- 
ment is bad, they care but little ; for, from that which you 
think a bad condition of government, the people gain both 
strength and freedom. 9. But if you want a really good 
government, you must first see the wisest men make laws for 
the people ; and then the good must punish the bad, and con- 
sult for the interests of the commonwealth, and not allow fellows 
like madmen * to offer counsel, and harangue and address the 
public assemblies. In such an excellent state of things, how- 
ever, the plebeians would soon fall into servitude. 

10. The licence allowed to slaves and sojourners at Athens 
is very great ; it is not allowable to strike them, nor will the 
slave yield you the way. For what reason this custom is 

text. Leunclavius and Zeune would insert evtari, or something similar, 
which Weiske thinks may be understood. Sauppe has thrust into his 
text ivkuxJiQi hebetatio, a conjecture of Hermann's (signifying that want 
of education is a cause of stupidity in men), but the word svsuxng wants 

1 Maivofisvovg.] " We must understand fur iosis simifes," says Schnei- 
der, " for it cannot be supposed that actual madmen were allowed ta 
offer counsel." 


suffered to prevail in the country, I will tell you. If 
it were usual for the slave, or the sojourner, or the freed 
man to be beaten by the free citizen, he would often strike 
an Athenian born, imagining him to be a slave ; for th* 
people of the city wear no better dress than slaves or so- 
journers, nor are they at all superior in personal appear 
ance. 11. Yet if any one feels surprised that they permit 
their slaves to fare luxuriously, and some of them to live even 
magnificently, they may be shown to act even in this respect 
with judgment ; for where a naval power exists, it is neces- 
sary, from pecuniary considerations, to humour the slaves, 1 
that we may receive the profit from the work which they per- 
form, 2 and to indulge them in a liberal way of living ; 3 
but where the slaves are rich, it is no longer expedient that 
my slave should fear you ; (at Lacedsemon, indeed, my slave 
fears you ; ) since, if your slave fears me, he will be likely to 
sacrifice what is in his possession, 4 in order to escape danger 
to his person. 12. On this account, accordingly, we have 
granted to slaves a certain equality 5 with the free, as well as 
to sojourners with the citizens ; for the state has need of so- 
journers, through the great number of trades, and for the ser- 
vice of the fleet. 

13. The people have ceased to tolerate those who practise 
gymnastic exercises 6 and cultivate music, thinking that such 
pursuits do not become them, and knowing that the lower class 
are not competent to study such arts. In the furnishing of 
choruses, as well as in the government of the gymnasia, and 

1 ' Kirb xprjfictTiov avayien roig avSpairodoig dovktvtiv.~\ Propter opes 
et pecuniam indulgere mancipiis, se accommodare ad eorum arbitrium et 
lubidinem. Schneider. 

2 "Iva XaGavw/xev u>v 7rpdrrei rag aTrofyopag ] This is Dindorf's read- 
ing, from a conjecture of Schneider's. Of the passage as it stands in 
other editions no sense is to be made. 

8 '~E\ev9kpovg cKp'avai.] Not " to make the slaves free," as Weiske 
imagined, but liberius vivendi genus permittere, as Zeune interprets it, 
" to allow them considerable licence as to their mode of life." Sauppe. 

* And thus will have nothing to give to his master. Zeune. 

5 'I<rr]yopLav.~\ Properly, " equal liberty of speech ; " but the signifi- 
cation of the word was extended so as to denote equality in general. 

6 Tovg yvfXifaZ,ofi'i.vovg — KaraXkXvKtv.'] KaraXkXvKev, says Weiske, is 
abrogravit, sustulit. The passage has given great trouble to the commen- 
tators. Zeune thinks the writer means, that the cultivation of gymnastics 
and music was forbidden to the slaves only ; but other critics suppose hira 
to mean, that it was discountenanced among the lower class generally. 

§ 14 — 16. j TREATMENT OF THE ALLIES. 235 

the equipment of triremes, they are aware not only that the 
rich furnish the expense for the choruses, while the lower 
class of people enjoy the pleasure of them, but that the rich 
also supply triremes, and preside over the gymnasia, while the 
poor have the benefit of both ; the plebeians are accordingly 
ready to take money for singing, and running, and dancing, 
and serving in the galleys, that they themselves may have 
some advantage, and that the rich may become poorer. 1 

14. As to proceedings in courts of law, they have less re- 
gard to what is just, than to what is profitable to themselves. 

As to their allies, those who are sent from Athens over the 
sea to them calumniate the more respectable class, as it appears, 
and manifest dislike for them, knowing that the governors 
must necessarily be hated by the governed ; and if ever, in- 
deed, the rich and influential secure power in the states, 
the government of the people of Athens will be but of very 
short duration. On these accounts, accordingly, they degrade 
the better sort of people, take away their property, banish 
them, and put them to death, but increase the influence of the 
lower orders. The more honourable of the Athenians, how- 
ever, protect the respectable inhabitants in the allied states, 
being aware that it is for their advantage always to support 
the aristocracy in those communities. 

15. Some person might say, that it is a great support to the 
Athenians that their allies should be in a condition to con- 
tribute money to them. To the plebeians, however, it seems 
to be of much greater advantage that every individual of the 
Athenians should get some of the property of the allies, and 
that the allies themselves should have only so much as to en- 
able them to live and to till the ground, 2 so that they may not 
be in a condition to form conspiracies. 

16. The people of Athens seem also to have acted injudi- 
ciously in this respect, that they oblige their allies to make 
voyages to Athens for the decision of their lawsuits. But 
the Athenians consider only, on the other hand, what benefits 
to the state of Athens are attendant on this practice ; in the 
first place, they receive their dues throughout the year from 

1 "lva — oi Trkovmoi Trevearepoi yiyvwvrai.] " Afin d'ameliorer son 
sort aux depens des riches." Gail. 

a "Ogov t,r\v Km kpya'CecrSaiJ] Tantum quantum Us safficit ad vitam 
twtentandam, ut opus in agro facere possint. Weiske. 


the prytaneia ; l in the next place, they manage the govern- 
ment of the allied states while sitting at home, and without 
sending out ships ; they also support suitors of the lower or- 
ders, and ruin those of an opposite character, in their courts 
of law ; but if each state had its own courts, they would, as 
being hostile to the Athenians, be the ruin of those who were 
most favourable to the people of Athens. 17. In addition to 
these advantages, the Athenian people have the following pro- 
fits from the courts of justice for the allies being at Athens ; 
first of all, the duty of the hundredth 2 on what is landed at 
the Peiraeeus affords a greater revenue to the city ; next, who- 
ever has a lodging-house makes more money by it, as well 
as whoever has cattle or slaves for hire ; and the heralds, too> 
are benefited by the visits of the allies to the city. is. Be- 
sides, if the allies did not come to Athens for law, they would 
honour only such of the Athenians as were sent over the sea 
to them, as generals, and captains of vessels, and ambassa- 
dors ; but now every individual of the allies is obliged to flat- 
ter the people of Athens, knowing that on going to Athens he 
must gain or lose his cause according to the decision, not of 
other j udges, but of the people, 3 as is the law of Athens ; 
and he is compelled, too, to use supplication before the court, 
and, as any one of the people enters, to take him by the hand. 
By these means the allies are in consequence rendered much 
more the slaves of the Athenian people. 

19. Moreover, from the possessions which they hold, and 
the governments which they administer, beyond the borders 
of their country, the Athenians themselves and their followers 
learn almost imperceptibly to row ; for a man who is often at 
sea must himself, as well as his attendants, take the oar in 
hand ; and he will necessarily learn also the names of every- 
thing used in the management of vessels. 20. They become 
good pilots, likewise, as well through the experience gained 
in their voyages, as through exercise ; for some practise them- 

1 Money deposited by two parties going to law, and sacrificed by the 
one that lost the cause, being put into the public treasury. What portion 
of it the judges received, is not known. Weiske. 

2 'EicaTo<jTr), sc. fispig. Sauppe refers to Tag woWag iKaroardg. 
Aristoph. Vesp. 658. It was a duty of one per cent. 

8 Owe tv dWoig tkt'iv, aXX Iv rqi drjfx^.l That is, as Weiske and 
Snuppe understand the words, not before judges of a ligher class, but be- 
fore judges chosen from the demos, or lower order ot the people. 


selves in steering a small vessel, others a transport ship, and 
others pass from these to the galleys. The bulk of the people, 
indeed, are able to row as soon as they go on board, from 
having given their attention to rowing all their lives. 


State of the Athenian land forces; advantages which they enjoy from 
having the command of the sea, § 1 — 8. Institutions and regulations for 
the advantage of the people ; other benefits from their naval power, 9 — 16. 
Ease with which treaties are violated or set aside under a democracy, 17. 
The people allow those who are unpopular to be satirized on the stage 

1. Their land forces, 1 which appear to be by no means in 
good condition at Athens, may be thus characterized. They 
consider themselves to be weaker in this department, and to 
have fewer troops, than their enemies ; but they are superior 
by land to their allies, who pay them tribute ; and they think 
that their land force, if they maintain by its aid a superiority 
over their allies, is sufficient. 

2. From fortune, too, they have some such advantage as 
the following. It would be possible for their subjects, if they 
dwelt on the mainland, to collect themselves together from 
small towns, and take the field in a large body ; but as to 
those who are ruled by sea, such as islanders, it is impossible 
for their towns to unite their strength ; for the sea lies, be- 
tween them, and their rulers are masters of the sea ; and if it 
were practicable for the islanders to come together secretly 
into one island, they would perish of famine. 3. Whatever 
cities, moreover, are subject to the Athenians on the continent, 
the larger of them are kept in subordination through fear, 
and the smaller through necessity ; for there is no city that 
does not require to import or export commodities ; and this 
will be out of its power, unless it be obedient to those who 
have the mastery at sea. 4. It is possible, also, for the mas- 

1 'Qir\iTiic6v.~\ By this word is here meant land forces in general, as 
opposed to naval forces. Of the first section of this chapter the text 
is in a very unsatisfactory state, and is given differently in different editions. 
I adhere to Dindorf. 


ters of the sea to do what is impracticable to those who are 
masters of the land only ; for instance, to ravage at times the 
lands even of the more powerful ; since they can make a de- 
scent on the coast, where there are either no enemies or but 
few, and, if a for?e come against them, can reembark and sail 
away ; and those who do this find fewer difficulties than those 
who make attacks with a land army. 

5. Those who have the ascendency at sea, moreover, can 
sail as far from their own country as they please ; while those 
who rule on land can march but a very few days' journey 
from home ; for marches are slow, and it is impossible for 
those who go by land to carry provisions sufficient for any 
considerable length of time. He that goes by land, too, must 
either go through a friendly country, or make his way by 
fighting ; but he who goes by sea may disembark wherever 
he is stronger, and, when he is weaker, may sail along the 
coast of the country until he reaches the territories either of a 
friendly or of an inferior nation. 6. Those again who are power- 
ful by land cannot easily bear blights of the crops, which 
proceed from Jupiter ; but the rulers of the sea can endure 
them with ease ; for the whole of a country does not suffer 
at the same time ; so that provisions come to the rulers of the 
sea from that ground which is in good condition. 

7. If we may allude, in addition, to some smaller advan- 
tages, the Athenians, through their intercourse with other na- 
tions, in consequence of their maritime ascendency, have dis- 
covered various sorts of luxuries ; since whatever is attractive 
in Sicily, or Italy, or Cyprus, or Egypt, or Lydia, or Pontus, 
or the Peloponnesus, or anywhere else, may be collected into 
one spot through enjoying the command of the sea. 8. Hear- 
ing all kinds of languages spoken, too, they have selected 
different words from each. The rest of the G reeks have each 
a peculiar language and mode of living and dress, but the 
Athenians have adopted a mixture of fashions from Greeks 
and barbarians. 

9. As to sacrifices, and temples, and festivals, and conse- 
crated groves, the people, knowing that it is impossible for 
every poor man to make offerings and feasts, and have temples, 
and to live in a beautiful and extensive city, 1 have discovered 

1 That is, to secure for himself a fine large city, in which he may dwell 
H3 can enjoy such accommodation only with the aid of the rich. 

§ 1^—14. _, ADVANTAGES OF SITUATION". 239 

by what means these privileges may be secured to them. 
The state accordingly sacrifices many victims at the public 
expense, while it is the people that feast on them, and distri- 
bute them among themselves by lot. 10. Some of the rich, 
indeed, have private places of exercise, and baths, and un- 
dressing-rooms ; but the people construct for their own especial 
use many wrestling-grounds, and dressing-places, and baths; 
and the vulgar have more enjoyment from them than the few 
and the wealthy. 

11. The Athenians are the only nation among Greeks and 
barbarians that can secure wealth ; for if any state is rich in 
timber for ship-building, where shall they dispose of it, unless 
they gain the favour of the rulers of the sea ? Or if any 
state abounds in iron, or brass, or flax, where shall they dis- 
pose of it, unless they obtain the consent of the lords of the 
sea ? It is, however, from these very materials that our ships 
are constructed ; for from one nation comes timber, from an- 
other iron, from another brass, from another hemp, from an- 
other wax. 12. Besides, such as are our rivals will not allow 
people to carry these things to any other parts than where 
they themselves command the sea. 1 I, without labour, have 
all these benefits from the land by means of the sea ; and no 
other state has any two of these materials ; for the same state 
has not timber and flax, since, where there is abundance of 
flax, the ground is level and woodless ; nor do brass and iron 
come from the same state ; nor are any two or three other 
commodities found in the same state, but one state abounds in 
one, and another in another. 

13. Besides, there is near every part of the mainland either 
a projecting shore, or an island lying on the coast, or an 
isthmus, so that those who have the command of the sea may 
make a descent there, and do injury to the inhabitants of the 

14. But there is one particular in which they lie under a 
disadvantage ; for if the Athenians inhabited an island and 
were lords of the sea, they would have it in their power to do 
mischief to others if they pieased, and would suffer no injury 

1 Our rivals, if we do not secure the goods, will get possession of them ; 
they will not allow them to be dispersed about everywhere, but will seize 
upon as large a portion of them for themselves as they can, since they want 
them as wdl as we ; but, as we are the stronger, we get the greater share 


from others, as long as they maintained their superiority at 
sea ; nor would their land be ravaged, nor would they fear 
the approach of an enemy. But at present the husband- 
men, and the richer citizens in Athens, are greatly in fear 
of enemies ; though the lower order, being well aware that an 
enemy will burn or devastate nothing belonging to them, live 
in security, and without any apprehension of an enemy. 15. 
In addition to this, they would have been free from another 
cause of fear, if they had inhabited an island ; for they would 
never have dreaded that their city might be betrayed, or their 
gates set open, or an enemy let in upon them by a small 
faction ; (for how could such things have happened when they 
dwelt in an island ?) nor, had they been islanders, would 
they have had seditions among the people ; for if the people 
were to raise a sedition at present, they would raise it from trust- 
ing in an enemy, with the expectation of bringing them into 
the city by land ; but if they were all islanders, they would be 
free from apprehension on that point. 16. Since, however, 
they have not dwelt in an island from the beginning, their 
practice now is to deposit their property in the islands, trust- 
ing to their power by sea, and allow the lands of Attica to be 
ravaged, 1 knowing that, if they concerned themselves for 
their territory, they would lose other things of greater im- 

17. It is necessary for states governed by an oligarchy to 
pay strict adherence to alliances and treaties ; and if they do 
not keep their engagements, by whom else can it be sup- 
posed that faith is broken, but by those who made those en- 
gagements ? 2 But in regard to engagements which the people 
make, it is possible for any one 3 laying the blame on the indi- 

1 All this is quite absurd. Because the Athenians did so once in the 
Persian war, and once, to a certain extent, in the time of Pericles, the 
writer speaks as if they were constantly in the habit of doing so. 

2 *H ixp' orov aSacelv bvofiara cnrb rutv oXiytov oi ovvkQtvro.~\ These 
words are quite unintelligible, though Dindorf has left them standing in 
his text. Schneider approves of the correction of Leunclavius, vcp' orov 
aducslcrOai vofiiaoi rig, r\ vtto rStv oXiycjv o'i avvkOevTO, which Sauppe 
would have adopted, with the alteration of vofiicroi to av vojiiaai, had he 
not been attracted by the conjecture of his countryman, Hermann, v<f>' 
orov ddiKel avofieirai virb r&v oXiycov, of which he gives this transla- 
tion : Ab eo, qm injuriam facit, injuste agitur sic, ut injuria proj iciscatur 
jpaucis Hits, qui pepigerunt. 

3 This sentence is very obscure. Dindorf s text has 'i£ujriv avrqi s'yi, 


vidual who proposed the measure, and put it to the vote, to 
declare to every one else that he was not present, and that 
what was settled by no means pleased him ; they examine 
into the matter in a full assembly of the people, and if it does 
not please them that the measure in question should be car- 
ried into effect, they find innumerable pretexts for not doing 
what they do not wish. And if any harm results from what 
the people have decreed, they complain that a few individuals, 
adverse to the popular interests, have mismanaged the mat- 
ter ; if any good is the consequence, they claim the credit to 

is. The authorities do not allow jesting on the people in 
comedies, or defaming them, lest they themselves be slan- 
dered ; but privately, if a writer wishes to satirize any 
one, they stimulate him to the attempt, as they are sure that 
he who is brought on the stage will in general not be one of 
the multitude, but some rich, or noble, or influential person. 
It is but a few of the poorer and plebeian class that are ever 
exposed on the stage, and these would not be molested unless 
for officiousness, and seeking to set themselves above the rest 
of the people ; so that at the ridicule thrown on these they are 
not at all concerned. io. I say then, that the people at Athens 
know very well which of the citizens are good and which are 
bad ; but, while they know this, they love those who are of 
use and advantage to themselves, even though they be bad, 
and rather entertain a dislike for the better sort, for they do 
not think that the merit which is in them is for the good of 
the people in general, but for their harm. On the other 
hand, some, who belong to the people by birth, are by no 
means of a democratic disposition. 

20. I forgive the people themselves their attachment to a 
democracy, for it is pardonable in every one to study his own 
benefit ; but whoever is not one of the people, and prefers te 
live under a democratic rather than an oligarchic form of 
government, is but meditating dishonesty, and knows that 
it is much easier for a knave to escape notice under a de- 
mocracy than under an oligarchy. 

&c. Sauppe preserves the old reading av ry. The sense seems to r» 
quire i^t&Ti rivt ry 'ivi avariQkvTi t &c. 




Why the allies find a difficulty in getting their suits decided at Athens, 
4 1 — 9. The Athenians always favour the democratic party in other 
states, 10, 11. No great danger to he apprehended from the resentment 
of those who have been deprived of office at Athens, 12, 13. 

I. The form of the Athenian government, then, I do not 
commend; but since they have themselves given the prefer- 
ence to a democracy, they appear to me to preserve the de- 
mocratic constitution with ability, adhering to the modes of 
proceeding which I have described. 

I see also that some blame the Athenians for this reason, 
that it is sometimes impossible for an individual, after wait- 
ing even a whole year, to settle business with either the 
senate or the people. This delay at Athens, however, arises 
from no other cause than that, from the multiplicity of their 
affairs, they are unable to decide matters with all parties, and 
send them away; 2. for how could they do so, when they have to. 
celebrate, in the first place, more festivals than any other city 
of Greece, 1 (and during these it is impossible for any one to 
settle any part of the business of the state,) and have besides 
to take cognizance of so many lawsuits, and accusations, and 
examinations of public accounts, that not even all the men in 
the world could attend to them ; while the senate has to 
deliberate frequently about war, frequently about obtaining 
money, frequently about making laws, frequently about oc- 
currences from time to time in the city, and frequently about 
affairs among the allies ; and they must also receive payments 
of tribute, and attend to the state of the dockyards and the 
temples. Is it then at all wonderful that, when they have so 
much business to transact, they cannot readily dispatch the 
business of every individual ? 

3. Yet some say that if a suitor applies to the senate oi the 
people with money in his hand, he will get his business done. 

1 Weiske refers to Aristoph. Vesp. 661, where Bdelycleon reckons the 
Attic year as consisting of ten months, the other two months being con- 
sumed in festivals. Sauppe observes, that in Plato's Alcib. ii. c 19, a 
similar testimony is given to the vast number of the Athenian, festivals, on 
wnich it is said that they have spent more money than all the other 
Greeks together 


I am ready to grant, then, that much is done at Athens with 
the aid of money, and that still more would be done if a 
greater number offered money ; yet I am certain that the 
state is incapable of dispatching all the business of those who 
require attention, however much gold and silver any one 
might give them. 4. Besides, they must also give sentence 
in cases when any one fails l to equip a vessel, or occupies 
any public ground with building; 2 and in addition to all 
these affairs, they must decide between the choragi for the 
Dionysia, the Thargelia, the Panathensea, and the Hephaesteia, 3 
every year. Four hundred trierarchs are also appointed 
every year, and the people must every year settle causes for 
such of these as require their judgment ; and they must like- 
wise examine and decide about qualifications for offices, inquire 
into the condition of orphans, and appoint keepers of prisoners, 
all which things must be done every year. 5. From time to 
time, too, they must give sentence in cases respecting military 
affairs, 4 as well as when any sudden offence is committed, or 
when persons are guilty of any extraordinary outrage, or of 
any impiety. I omit a great number of other matters, but 
the most important have been mentioned, except the settle- 
ment of tribute, which is made in general every fifth year. 
Do you not think, then, let me ask you, that they must give 
careful judgment in all these particulars? 

6. Some one may say that it is not necessary to settle every- 
thing at once. But if he admits that they must settle every- 
thing, he must surely allow that they must settle it in the 
course of the year. But in the present state of things 5 they 

1 That is, any trierarch who has to equip a trireme at his own expense. 

2 "H KctToticoSontiri [ro] drj/xomov.'] Every editor, since Leunclavius, 
has seen that to must be omitted ; yet all, except Sauppe, retain it. If we 
do not omit it, says Weiske, we must read rov dr)[io<jiov. 

3 Dionysia, the feast of Bacchus ; Thargelia, a festival to Apollo and, 
Diana, in the month Thargelion ; Panathensea, a festival in honour of 
Minerva; Prometheia, in honour of Prometheus, to commemorate his 
introduction of fire among mankind ; Hephaesteia, in honour of Vulcan, 
celebrated with a torch-race. 

4 The reading ciadiicdarai dsT aroaTnaq is here retained by Dindorf, 
his translation being, causes militares disceptanda sunt. Schneider and 
Zeune read doToaTtiaQ, a conjecture of Brodaeus. 'AarpaTtiag is neglect 
o£ military service, or exemption from it. 

5 'Qg ovdk vvv hC Iviavrov, k. t. X.] It would appear cither that 

R 2 


are unable to pass sentences during the year, so as to check 
evil-doers, by reason of the great number of the people. 7. 
Suppose, then, somebody were to observe that they must in- 
deed give judgment, but that the judges might sit in smaller 
bodies. It will then be necessary, if they make several courts 
of justice, that there be but few judges in each court; and it 
will thus be comparatively easy to intrigue l with a small num- 
ber of judges, and to bribe them all to decide with much less 
regard to justice. 8. In addition, we must consider that the 
Athenians have to celebrate festivals, during which they can- 
not try causes in the courts. They keep twice as many feasts 
as any other people keep ; but I am supposing theirs equal to 
those of the people who keep the fewest ; 2 and such, then, be- 
ing the case, I deny it to be possible that affairs at Athens can 
proceed otherwise than at present, except that they may set 
aside one thing, and introduce another, by little and little ; 
but to make any great alteration is impossible, without tak- 
ing something from the influence of the democracy. 9. It 
would be possible to devise numbers of plans by which their 
state might be placed in a better condition ; but to discover 
how their democratic form of government is to continue, and 
to determine satisfactorily how they may manage their civil 
affairs better, except, as I just now said, by gradually adding 
or taking away, is not easy. 

io. The Athenians are also thought to show a want of po- 
licy in this respect, that, in states which are divided into 
parties, they favour that of the lower orders. But it is, in 
reality, with judgment that they act thus; for if they favour- 
ed the better class, they would favour those who are not of 
the same political sentiments with themselves, since in no 
community are the aristocracy friendly to the power of the 

these words are in some way incorrect, or that something that preceded 
then: has dropped out of the text. 

1 2nasKivaaaaQai.'] To strengthen one's self against the opposite 
party by threats, entreaties, bribes, and any other practicable means. 
Weislze. To contrive means to bribe the judges. Zeune. 

2 'AAV eyw /ikv ri.9r]fii "ioag ry oXiyiffTag dyovffy Tr6\ei.~] Quanquam 
ego plures [dies festos] nan ponam illis quos ea civitas ceiebrat qtice pau- 
cissimosferiatur. Leunclavius. The meaning of the writer seems to be, 
that, even if the Athenians celebrated no more festivals than those who 
celebrate the fewest, they would still not have time to despatch their 

§ 11, 12.] CONCLUDING REMARKS. 24:5 

people, to which it is only the lowest orders, in any state, 
that are friendly, as like is always inclined to like. Accord- 
ingly, the Athenians hold to the party that is well disposed 
towards themselves. 

11. Whenever, indeed, they have attempted to support the 
aristocracy, the attempt has not been of advantage to them, 
but within a very short time the plebeians have been reduced 
to slavery. This happened in the case of the Boeotians ; 1 and 
also when they took the side of the aristocracy among the 
Milesians, who very soon afterwards revolted from the 
Athenians, and massacred the plebeians; 2 and the result was 
similar when they took the side of the Lacedaemonians against 
the Messenians, 3 for the Lacedaemonians, within a very short 
period, subjugated the Messenians and made war on the peo- 
ple of Athens. 

12. Some one might perhaps suppose that none are un- 
justly degraded from office at Athens; 4 but I must say that 
there are some who have been degraded unjustly, though cer- 
tainly but few. There would be need of more than a few, 
however, to attack the democracy at Athens ; 5 besides, such 
is human nature, 6 that men who suffer degradation justly en- 

1 'O fiev BoiioTotg.] The text is here mutilated. "I suspect," says 
Schneider, " that the allusion is to the unsuccessful expedition of Tol- 
midas against the Boeotian exiles, mentioned by Thucydides, i. 113, 
Diod. Sic. xii. 6, and Plutarch, Life of Pericles, c. 24." 

2 We may conjecture that reference is here made to the war which the 
Athenians undertook against the Samians when accused by the Milesians, 
as is related by Thucydides, i. 115, Plutarch. Pericl. c. 24, Diodorus, lib. xii., and by the Scholiast on Aristoph. Vesp. 283. But we 
are not aware that the event of this war, or of the expedition against the 
Boeotians, was such as the text appears to indicate. Schneider. 

3 In the third Messenian war, as Weiske supposes, when the Atheni- 
ans were solicited by the Lacedaemonians to assist them in besieging 
Ithome, but, when they came to the place, were told that their services 
were not wanted; and, being incensed at the insult, took the part of the 
Messenians against the Lacedaemonians, as is related by Thucyd. i. 108. 

* Inasmuch as many of the magistrates are of the lower order (comp. 
sect. 13), who will protect them against injury. 

f Something may be dreaded from these few, especially from those 
who have been degraded unjustly, but they are not numerous enough to 
make much impression on the government. 

6 'Ettci toi Kai ovt(x)q lx £l 5 K - T ' ^-] Preeterea etiam illud cogitate opor- 
tet, in universam ita naturam homini esse constitutam t animumque hu- 
manum ita se habere, uti, §c. Schneider. 


tertain no resentful feelings. 1 while those who are degraded 
unjustly do entertain such feelings. 13. How then can any 
one suppose that many have been unjustly degraded at Athens, 
where it is the plebeian order that hold offices ? It is from act- 
ing dishonestly in office, and from saying or doing what is 
unjust, that men are degraded at Athens. He who takes this 
into consideration must not apprehend that there is any 
danger to Athens from those who have been degraded. 

1 'RvOvnuoQai.] Moveri ad iram et ultionis consilium. SoLveuW. 

l&<im aivquid mali, sive ret nova*. Zeune. 





This book is supposed by Schneider, from internal evidence, to 
have been written by Xenophon in his old age, after the one hun- 
d red and sixth Olympiad, or B.C. 353, the year in which the Pho- 
cians under Onomarchus were defeated by Philip of Macedon. 


On the soil of Attica, and the possibility of increasing its revenues-. 

l. I am always of opinion that of whatever character 
governors are, of a similar character also are the governments 
which they conduct. But as some of those who rule at Athens 
have been said to know what is just, no less than other men, but 
have declared that they are compelled, through the poverty 
of the common people, to act with somewhat of injustice to- 
wards the allied cities, 1 I have in consequence set myself to 
consider whether the citizens may by any means be main- 
tained from the resources of their own country, from which 
it is most just that they should be maintained, thinking that, 
if this should be the case, remedy would at once be afforded 
for their wants, and for the jealousy which they incur from 
the other Greeks. 

1 Tag 7r6\fic] That is, rag iro\tig rag avfifiax'^ag- They were 
called cities or states in alliance with Athens, but were in reality subject 
to the Athenian puwer. 


2. As T revolved in my* mind what I observed, it readily 
appeared to me that the country is well qualified by nature to 
afford very large revenues ; and in order that it may be un- 
derstood that I say this with truth, I will first of all give an 
account of the natural resources of Attica. 3. That the 
seasons in it are extremely mild, the products of the soil tes- 
tify ; for such as will not even grow in many countries bear 
fruit in perfection in Attica. And as the land is most pro- 
ductive, so likewise is the sea that surrounds the land ; and 
whatever fruits the gods afford in their several seasons begin 
in this country earliest, and cease latest. 4. Nor is the land 
superior only in things that grow up and decay annually, but 
has also permanent advantages ; for stone is supplied from it in 
abundance, from which the most magnificent temples, the most 
beautiful altars, and the finest statues of the gods are made, and 
in which many both Greeks and barbarians desire to partici- 
pate. 5. There are indeed portions of the soil which, though 
sown, will not produce fruit, but which, if they are penetrated 
by digging, will support many more people than if they pro- 
duced corn, as, doubtless by divine dispensation, they contain 
silver beneath the surface ; and though there are many states 
lying near, both by land and by sea, not even the smallest 
vein of silver is found to extend into any one of them. 6. A 
person might not unreasonably suppose that the state is situ- 
ate in the centre, not only of Greece, but of the whole in- 
habited world ; for the further people are from it, the more 
severe cold or heat do they experience ; and whatever travel- 
lers would pass from one end of Greece to the other, must all 
either sail by Athens, or pass it by land, as the centre of their 
circle. 1 i. Though it is not surrounded by water, it never- 
theless attracts to itself like an island, with the aid of every 
wind, whatever it requires, and sends away whatever it de- 
sires to export ; for it has sea on each side of it. By land, 
too, it receives many kinds of merchandise, as it is joined to 
the continent. 8. To many states, moreover, barbarians who 

1 "Qo-Ktp kvk\ov Topvov.~\ Topvog, according to Hesychius, means " an 
artificer's tool for describing a circle ; " it appears to have been a sort of 
pencil at the end of a string. But Weiske very properly observes that 
ropvog must here mean what is fixed in the centre, a stick or thread being 
moved round it to describe the circumference ; and Schneider agrees with 


dwall on their borders cause annoyance ) but states border on 
the Athenians which are themselves at a distance from the 
barbarians. 1 


Of the possibility of attracting a greater number of foreigners to sojourn at 


I. Of all these advantages, I think that the land is itself, 
as I said, the cause ; and if to the blessings bestowed by na- 
ture there be joined, in the first place, an attention to the in- 
terests of strangers sojourning in it, (for that source of 
revenue appears to me to be one of the best, since strangers, 
while they maintain themselves, and confer great benefits on 
the states in which they live, receive no pension from the 
public, but pay the tax imposed on aliens,) 2 such attention 
would seem to me likely to be of the utmost benefit; 2. espe- 
cially if we relieve them at the same time from such imposi- 
tions as, while they are of no benefit to the state, appear to 
cast on them a mark of dishonour, and if we exempt them 
likewise from taking the field as heavy-armed infantry along 
with the citizens ; for the danger which they incur is great, 
and it is a great trouble to them to be away from their 
trades and families. 3. The state would also be much more 
benefited, if the citizens stood by the side of one another in 
the field, than if, as is the case at present, Lydians, and Syri- 
ans, and Phrygians, and other barbarians from every nation be 
amalgamated with them. 4. In addition, too, to the good at- 
tendant on the exemption of strangers from joining the army, 
it would be an honour to the country for the Athenians to be 
seen to trust to themselves in the field of battle rather than to 
foreigners. 5. While we give a share, moreover, to foreigners 

1 States that border on Attica, lying between it and the barbarians, are 
at a great distance from them ; and Attica itself, and its capital Athens, 
must be at a still greater distance. 

"• Mtro'iKiov.] A tax of twelve drachmae annually on every foreypier 
lesiding at Athena 


of other privileges which it is proper to share with them, we 
should be likely in my opinion, if we gave them admission also 
into the cavalry, *to render them better disposed towards us, and 
to increase the strength and greatness of our country. 6. Be- 
sides, as there are within the walls many pieces of ground 2 
for building, vacant of houses, I think that if the state were to 
allow them to become the property of those who might build 
upon them, and who, on applying for them, might seem to be 
deserving, a greater number of respectable persons would by 
that means become desirous of a settlement at Athens. 7. If 
we should institute an order of guardians of foreigners, also, 
as we have one of guardians of orphans, and some honour 
should be conferred on such of them as should bring in the 
greatest number of foreigners, such a plan would make the 
foreigners more contented under us, and, as is likely, all who 
have no residence in any other city 3 would eagerly seek a 
settlement at Athens, 4 and would thus increase the public 


Of granting privileges to merchants, and the benefits to be expected from 

increased traffic. 

1. In proof that the city is extremely pleasant and lucrative 
as a place of trade, I will mention the following particulars. 
In the first place, it has the finest and safest harbours for 
vessels, where navigators may moor and rest in case of a 
storm. 2. In the next place, merchants, in most other cities, 

1 Foreigners were excluded from the cavalry. Comp. Hipparch. c. 9 
sect. 6. 

a OiKoirtda.] Loci apti ad recipiendas et sustinendas domos, is Weiske's 
interpretation. The icai before it should be struck out, as Dindorf and 
Sauppe observe. 

s People who have been banished from their own cities, or whose cities 
have been destroyed or fallen into decay. 

* 'A9rjvT]9ev.~\ Weiske and Schneider would read 'A9f}vy(Ti, but 
'A0i)vri9ev, " from Athens," may, as Sauppe observes, be understood as 
equivalent to " from the Athenians." 


must barter one commodity for another ; for the inhabitants 
use money that will not pass beyond the limits of the country ; 
but at Athens, while there is abundance of goods, such as 
people require, for exportation, still, if merchants do not wish 
to barter, they may carry off an excellent freight by taking 
away our silver, for wherever they dispose of it, they will 
always gain more than its original value. 

3. If we should propose rewards, however, for the judges of 
the tribunal of commerce, 1 to be given to such as should decide 
points of controversy with the greatest justice and expedition, 
so that persons who wished to sail might not be detained, a 
still larger number of people would by that means be brought 
to trade with us, and with greater pleasure. 4. It would be 
for our advantage and credit also, that such merchants and 
shipowners as are found to benefit the state by bringing to it 
vessels and merchandise of great account should be honoured 
with seats of distinction on public occasions, and sometimes 
invited to entertainments ; for, being treated with such re- 
spect, they would hasten to return to us, as to friends, for the 
sake, not merely of gain, but of honour. 5. The more people 
settled among us and visited us, the greater quantity of mer- 
chandise, it is evident, would be imported, exported, 2 and sold, 
and the more gain would be secured, and tribute received. 
6. To effect such augmentations of the revenue, it is not neces- 
sary for us to be at any cost but that of philanthropic ordi- 
nances and careful superintendence. 

For securing whatever other revenues seem likely to come 
in to us, I know that there will be need of a fund. 7. Yet I 
am not without hope that the citizens will readily contribute 
for this purpose, when I reflect how much the state con- 
tributed at the period when it assisted the Arcadians under 
the command of Lysistratus, 3 and how much under that of 

1 Ty tov ifiTTopiov agxv-] The judges that composed this court seem 
to have been the vavrodiKai, whose office appears to have heen abolished 
about the time of Philip of Macedon, their business being transferred to 
the tnesmothetae. See Boeckh, Pub. Econ. of Athens, 1, § 9, p. G9. 

2 The words icai i^ayoiro Dindorf would very properly expunge, aa 
they are the same in signification with Kal iKirifiiroiTo, immediately fol- 

3 1 have not found this general named either by Xenophon in his 
Hellenics, or by any other historian of the affairs of that period ; bu 
the expedition of the Athenians must be placed before the battle oi 


Heg3silaus, ! 8. I know also that galleys have often been sent 
out at great expense, galleys which were built when it was 
uncertain whether the result of the expedition would be for 
better or for worse, though it was very certain that the con- 
tributors would never receive back what they had paid, or 
even recover any portion of it. 9. But at present the citizens 
can acquire no gains so creditable as those from what they 
may contribute for this fund ; for to him whose contribution 
shall be ten minae, about the fifth part will return as interest 
from the fleet, as he will receive three oboli a day ; 2 and to 
him whose contribution shall be five minae, there will be a 
return of more than the third. 3 10. The most of the Athen- 
ians, assuredly, will receive annually more than they have 
contributed ; for those who contribute a mina will have ah 
income of almost two minae, 4 and will have it in the city, being 
an income, too, that appears the safest and most durable of 
human things. 11. I think too, for my own part, that if the 
benefactors to our state were to have their names enrolled for 
transmission to posterity, many foreigners would give us their 
contributions, as well as some whole cities, through a desire for 
such enrolment. I should expect also that kings and other 

Mantinea, as indeed the order in which Xenophon names the two generals 
indicates. Schneider. We may infer that the expe lition under Lysis- 
tratus was undertaken after the alliance made by the Athenians with the 
Arcadians, 01. ciii. 3, as related by Xenophon, Hellen. vii. 4. 2, and 
Diodorus Siculus, xv. 77. Sauppe. 

1 That this expedition under Hegesilaus took place Olymp. civ. 2, is 
shown by Boeckh, ii. 145. Sauppe. 

2 A mina was equal to six hundred oboli, or £4 1*. 3d. of our 
money, the obolus being equal to three half-pence and half a farthing. 
Hussey's Essay on Ancient Weights and Money, ch. iii. As ten minae 
were equal to six thousand oboli, if a contributor received three oboli a day 
for three hundred and sixty days, he would receive in all one thousand 
and eighty oboli, which would be something less than the fifth part of the 
ten minae. 

3 If a contributor gave five minae, or three thousand oboli, and received 
three oboli a day for three hundred and sixty days, he would receive in 
all one thousand and eighty oboli, which would be a little more than the 
third part of the sum contributed. Each contributor was to give, it 
would appear, according to his means, and all to receive the same remu- 

* If they contribute a mina, or six hundred oboli, and receive one 
thousand and eighty oboli, they will receive nearly two minae, equal to 
twelve hundred oboli. 

§ 1 — 3.] OF THE SILVER MINES. 253 

sovereign princes and satraps would feel a desire to partici- 
pate in so gratifying an acknowledgment. 

12. When a fund is established, it will be for the honour 
and interest of the state to build lodging-houses, in addition 
to those at present existing round the harbours, for the ac- 
commodation of seamen ; and it would be well, also, to build 
others for merchants, in places convenient for buying and sell- 
ing, as well as public nouses of entertainment for all that 
come to the city. 1-3. If, moreover, houses and shops were to 
be erected for retail dealers, at the Peiraeeus and in the city, 
they would not only be an ornament to the city, but a great 
accession of income would be derived from them. 14. It 
seems to me, likewise, proper to try whether it be possible for 
the state, as it possesses public war-galleys, to have also public 
vessels for conveying merchandise, and to let them out for 
hire, upon persons giving security for them, as is the case with 
other things belonging to the public ; for if this should appear 
practicable, a large income might be derived from that source. 


Of the extent of silver mines in Attica, § 1 — 12. How they may be rendered 
profitable to the state, 13 — 33. Replies to objections that may be made 
to the plans proposed, 34 — 52. 

1. Should our silver mines, too, be managed as they ought 
to be, I consider that great profits might be drawn from them, 
in addition to our other revenues. To those who do not 
know their value, I should wish to make it known ; for, when 
you know this, you will be the better enabled to form plans 
for arrangements respecting them. 2. That they were wrought 
in very ancient times is well known to all ; for assuredly no 
one attempts to specify at what time they began to be formed 
But though the earth containing silver has been so long dug and 
cast up, consider how small a portion the heaps which have been 
thrown out are of the hills that remain still in their natural 
state, and that contain silver underneath them. 3. Nor doea 


the space of ground that is dug for silver appear to be at all 
diminished, but to be perpetually extended in a wider circuit ; 
and during the time that the greatest number of men were in 
the mines, no one was ever in want of occupation, but there 
was always more work than enough for the hands employed. 

4. At the present time, too, no one of those who have slaves 
in the mines is diminishing the number of them, but is indeed 
continually adding to it as many as he can ; for when but few 
are engaged in digging and searching, little treasure is found ; 
but when many are employed, a far greater quantity of silver ore 
is discovered ; so that in this occupation alone, of all those that 
I know, no one envies those that extend their operations. 1 

5. All persons that have farms would be able to say how 
many yokes of oxen, and how many workmen, would be 
sufficient for their land ; and if they send into their fields 
more than are necessary, they consider it a loss ; but in the 
mining operations for silver, they say that all are constantly in 
want of workmen. 6. For the consequence is not the same 
in this case as it is when there are numbers of workers in 
brass, and when, as articles made of brass then necessarily 
become cheap, 2 the workmen are ruined, nor is it the same 
as when there are excessive numbers of blacksmiths ; or as 
when there is abundance of corn and wine, and when, as the 
fruits of the earth are cheap, agriculture becomes unprofitable, 
so that many farmers, quitting their occupation of tilling the 
ground, betake themselves to the employments of merchants, 
or inn- keepers, or bankers ; but, in regard to the silver mines, 
the more silver ore is found, and the more silver is extracted, 
the greater is the number that devote themselves to mining. 
7. Of furniture, when people have got enough of it for their 
houses, they do not much care for buying additional supplies ; 
but nobody has ever yet had so much silver as not to desire 

1 Ovde <}>0ovei ovdsig toXq £7ri<7/ceua£o^svoic.] The commentators have 
been much in doubt as to the meaning of these words. Sturz seems to 
give the right interpretation : novam laboris atque adeo lucri materiam 
sibi parantibus. " Un nouvel entrepreneur ne i'asse point d'ombrage aux 
aneiens." Gail. The field is large enough for ail, and the more are em- 
ployed in it, the more money accrues to the state. 

3 'A£io»v yevofisvu)v."\ The word a£toe is here used in a not very 
common signification, that of cheap, easy to be bought. Suidas, under 
the word a%ih>Tepov, says that a£iog was used by the Attics for evutvoc 
tni the same is said by Moeris. 


an increase of it ; and if people have a superabundance, 
they hoard it, and are not less delighted with doing so than 
with putting it to use. 8. When communities, too, are in 
the most flourishing condition, people have very great use for 
money ; for the men are ready to be at expense for beautiful 
arms, or fine horses, or magnificent houses or furniture ; l and 
the women are eager for expensive dresses and golden orna- 
ments. 9. When communities, on the other hand, are in 
distress, whether from scarcity of corn or from the effects of 
war, they are still more in want of money, as the land lies 
uncultivated, both for purchasing provisions and for paying 
auxiliary troops. 

10. If any one should say that gold is not less useful for 
such purposes than silver, I do not dispute the truth of the 
assertion ; but I am aware at the same time that gold, if it 
shows itself in great quantities, becomes much less valuable, 
and renders silver of a higher price, n. These remarks I 
have made with a view that we should send with confidence 
as many workmen as possible into the silver mines, and should 
with confidence continue our operations in them, fully trust- 
ing that the silver ore is not going to fail, and that silver will 
never lose its value. 12. The state, however, appears tome 
to have known this long before I knew it ; for it allows any 
foreigner that pleases to work in the mines, on paying the same 
duty as the citizens. 2 

13. But that I may make the subjects still more clear with 
reference to the maintenance of the citizens, I will state how 
the mines may be managed so as to be most beneficial to the 
country. For what I am going to say, however, I do not 
desire to court admiration, as if I had found out something 
difficult to be discovered ; tor part of what I shall state we 
all at present see before us, and the condition of things in 
times past, we hear, was of an exactly similar character. 14. 
But we cannot but feel surprised that the state, when it sees 
many private individuals enriching themselves from its re- 
sources, does not imitate their proceedings ; for we heard long 

1 Kara<TKsvag.~\ Sturz very properly considers that this word here 
means supellex, cultus cedium. Leunclavius renders it by structtiras, and 
Gail by " un grand train." 

2 Both paying the twenty-fourth part of the profits which they derived 
from the mines. See Boeckh, i. 155, 332 ; ii. 78. Sauppe. 


ago, indeed, at least such of us as attended to these matters, that 
Nicias the son of Niceratus kept a thousand men employed in 
the silver mines, whom he let on hire to Sosias of Thrace, on 
condition that he should give him for each an obolus a-day, free 
of allcharges ; and this number he always supplied undiminish- 
ed. Hipponicus also had six hundred slaves let out at the 
same rate, which brought him in a clear mina a-day ; 1 Phile- 
monides had three hundred, which brought him half a mina ; 
and others had other complements of slaves, according, I sup- 
pose, to their respective resources. 16. But why should J 
dwell upon former times, when there are numbers of men in 
the mines let out in the same manner at present ? 17. And 
if what I propose be carried into effect, the only new point in 
it would be, that as private individuals, by the possession of 
slaves, have secured themselves a constant revenue, so tht- 
state should possess public slaves, to the number of three for 
each Athenian citizen. 2 

is. Whether what I propose is practicable, let him who 
chooses, after considering every point of it, pronounce a judg- 
ment. As to the price for slaves, it is evident that the state 
can procure it better than private individuals. It is easy 
for the senate to issue a proclamation that he who will may 
bring his slaves, and then to buy all that are brought. 19. 
When they are bought, why should not any person be as will- 
ing to hire slaves from the state as from a private individual, 
if he is to have them on the same terms ? At least they hire 
from the state consecrated grounds, and temples, and houses, 
and farm the public taxes. 3 20. That the slaves purchased 
for the public may be kept safe, the state may require sureties 
from those who hire them, as they require them from those who 
farm the taxes ; and it is indeed much easier for him who farms 
a tax to defraud the public than for him who hires slaves. 21. 
For how can anyone identify the public money that is embez- 
zled, when private money is exactly like it ; but as for slaves, 
when they are marked with the public mark, and when a pen- 
alty is denounced against him who sells or exports them, how 

1 The mina being six hundred oboli. See note on c. 3, sect. 9. 

s So that each Athenian citizen, says Weiske, might hire three slaves 
from the government, paying the government for their services. 

3 On this subject see Boeckh, 1. 325—321 ; Wachsmuth, ii. i, 129, 151 
Meier et Schoeru. p. 516; Arnold, Thucyd. iii. 50. Sauppe. 


could any one steal them ? So far, therefore, it will appear 
to be possible for the state to acquire and to preserve slaves. 

22. But if any one doubts whether, after a great number of 
workmen have been procured, a great number l of persons 
will also present themselves to hire them, let him be of good 
courage, reflecting that many of those who already possess 
slaves will still hire those belonging to the public, (for there 
is plenty of work to employ them), and that many of those 
engaged in the works are growing old, while there are many 
others, both Athenians and foreigners, who would neither be 
able nor willing to engage in corporeal labour, but who 
would gladly gain a subsistence by applying their minds to 
the superintendence of the business. 23. If at first, then, 
a thousand two hundred slaves be collected, it is probable 
that, with the income from that number a complement of not 
less than six thousand might in five or six years be obtained ; 
and if, of this number, each brings in a clear obolus, the 
profit will be sixty talents a year. 2 24. If of those sixty 
talents twenty be devoted to the purchase of more slaves, the 
state will be at liberty to use the other forty for whatever 
other purpose it may think proper ; and when the number 
of ten thousand slaves is made up, the yearly revenue from 
them will be a hundred talents. 

25. That the state will receive 3 even a far greater profit 
than this, those will agree with me in thinking, who remem- 
ber, if there are any that still remember, how great a height 
the income from the slaves reached before the occurrences at 
Deceleia. 4 The fact, also, that, though innumerable work- 
men have been perpetually employed in the mines, their pre- 

1 Schneider thinks that ov should be inserted before the second TroXAoi 
in the text; and Sauppe agrees with him. My translation is somewhat 
forced, to suit the absence of the negative. 

2 Six thousand slaves will bring in six thousand oboli a day, and thus, 
if we reckon three hundred and sixty days to the year, the annual income 
from them will be two million one hundred and sixteen thousand oboli, 
which sum, divided by thirty-six thousand, the number of oboli in a 
talent, will give sixty talents. 

3 Antral.] The nominative case is 7r6\tg, as Sauppe observes ; agi- 
tur enim de civitate et ejus reditibus. 

* Zeune supposes that the occupation of Deceleia by the Lacedaemo- 
nians is meant, in the nineteenth year of the Peloponnesian war, when 
twenty thousand of the Athenian slaves deserted to the enemy, as is re« 
.ated by Thucydides, vii. 27 

vol. in. a 


sent condition is not at all different from that in which our 
forefathers remember them to have been, affords me additional 
support for this supposition. 26. Indeed, all that is now done 
in the mines testifies that there can never be a greater num- 
ber of slaves there than the works require ; for those who are 
employed in digging find no limit to the depth or ramifications 
of their works. 27. To cut in a new direction is assuredly 
not less practicable now than it was formerly ; nor can any 
one say, from certain knowledge, whether there is more silver 
ore in the parts which have been opened than is to be found 
in those which are undisturbed. 28. Why then, some one 
may ask, do not many make new cuttings now, as of old ? It 
is because those engaged about the mines are now poorer ; 
for it was but lately that they began to be wrought again ; 
and great risk is incurred by a person commencing new 
operations ; for he indeed that finds a profitable field of 
labour becomes rich, but he who does not find one loses all 
that he has expended ; and into such risk the men of the pre- 
sent day are by no means willing to run. 

30. I think, however, that I am able to give some ad- 
vice with regard to this difficulty also, and to show how 
new operations may be conducted with the greatest safety. 
There are ten tribes at Athens, and if to each of these the 
state should assign an equal number of slaves, and the tribes 
should all make new cuttings, sharing their fortune in com- 
mon, then, if but one tribe should make any useful discovery, 
it would point out something profitable to the whole; si. but 
if two, or three, or four, or half the number should make 
some discovery, it is plain that the works would be more 
profitable in proportion ; and that they should all fail is con- 
trary to all the experience of past times. 32. It is possible 
also for private individuals to unite and share their fortunes 
together, and thus to venture with greater safety ; and you 
need entertain no apprehensions either that the public com- 
pany thus constituted will injure the private adventurers, or 
that the private adventurers will inconvenience the public 
company ; but as allies in the field of battle, the greater the 
number in which they meet, render one another proportion- 
ately stronger, so the greater the number that are employed 
in the mines, the more gain will they acquire and bring to 
the state. 


33. I have now stated how I think that public matter 
may be arranged, so that sufficient maintenance may be se- 
cured from our common resources for the whole body of the 
Athenian people. 

34. If any of us, considering that there will be need of vast 
funds for all these works, think that sufficient money will 
never be contributed, let them not be cast down through that 
apprehension. 35. For there is no necessity that all these 
things should be done at once, or else no profit will result from 
them ; but whatever buildings are erected, or ships constructed, 
or slaves purchased, the proceedings will straightway be at- 
tended with profit. 36. It is indeed more advantageous that 
such things should be done gradually than that they should 
all be done at once ; for if we were to build all together, we 
should do our work at greater cost and with less efficiency 
than if we were to build by degrees ; and if we were to get 
a vast number of slaves at once, we should be compelled to 
buy them in worse condition and at a higher price. 37. Pro- 
ceeding however according to our ability, we may continue 
any operations that have been well planned, and if any error 
has been committed, we may take care not to repeat it. 38. 
Besides, if everything were to be done at once, it would be 
necessary for us to procure means for everything at the same 
time ; but if part be done now, and part deferred, the incom- 
ing revenue may assist in obtaining what is necessary foi 
future proceedings. 

39. But as to that which appears to everybody most to be 
apprehended, I mean that, if the state purchase an extraordi 
nary number of slaves, the works may be overstocked, we 
may feel quite free from that apprehension, if we do not send 
into the mines every year a greater number than the opera 
tions require. 40. Thus it appears to me that the way in 
which it is easiest to pursue these plans is also that in which 
it is best. But if, again, you think that, on account of the 
contributions made during the present war, you are unable to 
contribute anything further, you must, whatever sum of 
money the taxes brought in before the peace, conduct the ad- 
ministration with that exact sum during the next year, aud 
whatever additional sum they may bring, through peace having 
taken place, through attention being paid to the sojourners 
and merchants, through more commodities being imported 

s 2 


and exported in consequence of a greater number of people 
resorting to us, and through the sale of goods being increased 
at the harbour, you must take that sum and appropriate it in 
such a way that the revenues may be advanced to the utmost. 
41. If, however, any feel apprehensive that this course, if 
war occur, will prove ineffectual, let them consider that, even 
if war should break out, it will be far more formidable to 
those who attack us than to our state. 42. For what acquisi- 
tion would be more useful for war than a great number of 
people, since they would be able to man many of the public 
vessels, while many of them also, serving for the public on 
land, would offer a powerful resistance to the enemy, provided 
that we do but treat them well ? 

43. I consider, too, that even if war takes place, it is possi- 
ble to prevent our mines from being abandoned ; for there is, 
we know, a fortress near the mines at Anaphlystus, on the sea 
towards the south, and another at Thoricus, on the sea toward? 
the north ; l and these two are distant from each other about 
sixty furlongs. 44. If, then, a third fort should be built be- 
tween these on the summit of Besa, the workmen might then 
retire into some one of all these fortresses, and, if they 
«hould see an enemy approaching, it would be but a short 
distance for each to retreat to a place of safety. 45. Should 
even an overpowering number of enemies come, they would, 
doubtless, if they found corn, or wine, or cattle, without the 
works, carry them off ; but if they even occupied the mining 
ground, of what more would they possess themselves than a 
heap of stones ? 46. But how, indeed, could our enemies ever 
make an inroad on our mines ? for the city of Megara, which 
is nearest to them, is distant much more than five hundred 
stadia ; and Thebes, which is the nearest city after Megara, 
is distant much more than six hundred. 47. If they should 
advance upon the mines, then, from any part in that direction, 
they will be under the necessity of passing by the city of 
Athens ; and if they come in small numbers, it is probable 
that they will be cut off by the cavalry and the guards of the 
frontier ; 2 while it is difficult to imagine that they will march 

1 Anaphlystus and Thoricus were two aemi of Attica, lying towards the 
sea-coast eastward from Athens. Besa, or Beseis, was another demus. 

* 'T7ro 7r£pi7r6\wi'.] The irtpnrokoi were mostly young men of Athens, 
between the ages of eighteen and twenty, who were sent out to l&arn tba 

§ 48 — 52. J CONSEQUENCES OF WAtt. 261 

out with a large force, leaving their own country unguarded; for 
the city of Athens would be much nearer to their cities, than 
they themselves would be when they are at the mines. 48. But, 
even if they should come in great force, how could they stay, 
when they would have no provisions? since, should they go 
out to get provisions in small parties, there would be danger 
both to those who went out for provisions, and to those who 
remained behind to fight; 1 and, if their whole force went out 
foraging on every occasion, they would be besieged rather 
than besiegers. 2 

49. Not only the profit from the slaves, then, would increase 
the resources of the city, but, as a vast number of people 
would collect about the mines, there would also arise a great 
income from the market held there, 3 from the rent of the 
public buildings around the mines, from the furnaces, and from 
all other sources of that kind. 50. Our city, too, if it be thus 
supported, will become extremely populous, and land about 
the mines will grow as valuable to those who possess it there 
as to those who have it around Athens. 51. Should all in- 
deed be done that I have proposed, I maintain that the state 
will not only be better supplied with money, but will be more 
quiet and orderly, and better prepared for war. 52. For those 
who are appointed to exercise the youth would discharge 
their duties in the gymnasia with greater care, as they would 
then receive more pay than those now receive who act as 
gymnasiarchs for the torch-race ; 4 and those who are sent to 
be stationed in garrisons, as well as those who are to serve as 

rudiments of warfare as a kind of military police on the outskirts of the 
country. Pollux, viii. 106 ; Photius, sub voce. They are the same that 
are said, in sect. 52, TrepnroXelv rrjv x&P av ' 

1 ITtpt 5)v ayi»vitovTai.~\ An abbreviation, says Sauppe, for iripi red' 
T(ov oi ayuviZovTai. 

2 That is, they would be like besieged troops lying inactive, in want of 
provisions, and forced to be content it" they escaped suffering from hunger 

3 'An' dyopag rrjg liceivov av.~\ The words rrjg kxeivov, though mani- 
festly corrupt, are yet retained by Dindorf in his text. I follow Leun- 
clavius's conjecture, rrjg £k« ovcrrjg. 

4 Oi re yap rax9kvreg yvfiva^taSai — yvuvaoiapyovfitvoi.] I consider 
that Gail must be right in his notion of the sense of these words : " Les 
intendans des exercices gymniques, jouissant d'un sort plus honnete quo 
ceux qui president aux exercices de torches, se montreront plus assidua 
a leurs fonctions." Leunclavius, however, renders yvfiva&ffBai " se cx« 
ercere," and yvfivamapxovfievoi " qui gymnasiarcha? parent." 


peltasts, and to keep guard round the country, 1 would per- 
form all their occupations more efficiently, if pay were given 
them for each of their duties. 


Necessity of peace for the maintenance and improvement of the revenue. 

l. But if it appears evident, that, if the full revenues from 
the state are to be collected, there must be peace, is it not 
proper for us also to appoint guardians of peace? 2 for such an 
office, if established, would render the city more agreeable for 
all men to visit, and more frequented. 2. Should any persons 
imagine, however, that if our state continues to maintain 1 
peace, it will be less powerful, and esteemed, and celebrated 
through Greece, such persons, in my opinion, entertain an 
unreasonable apprehension ; for those states, assuredly, are 
most prosperous, which have remained at peace for the long- 
est period ; and of all states Athens is the best adapted by 
nature for flourishing during peace. 3. Who, indeed, if the 
city were in the enjoyment of peace, would not be eager to 
resort to it, and shipowners and merchants most of all ? 
Would not those who have plenty of corn, and ordinary wine, 
and wine of the sweetest kind, and olive oil, and cattle, flock 
to us, as well as those who can make profit by their ingenuity 
and by money-lending ? 3 4. Where would artificers, too, 
and sophists, and philosophers, and poets, and such as study 
their works, and such as desire to witness sacrifices, or re- 
ligious ceremonies worthy of being seen and heard, and such 
as desire to make a quick sale or purchase of many com- 
modities, obtain their objects better than at Athens ? 5. If no 

1 IJepnroXe'iv rr\v ^wpcu'.] See note on sect. 47. 

3 TZlprivotyvXaicag.] A sort of commissioners who might see that fo- 
reigners resident in the country suffered no wrong, and ascertain that 
every means was taken for maintaining peace. 

3 'Apyvpiy.] Acting as trapezitce or bankers, or using any means to 
£et money by the aid of money. 


one can answer in the negative to these questions, and yet 
some, who desire to recover the supreme dominion for our 
state, think that that end would be effected better by war 
than by peace, let them contemplate, first of all, the Persian 
invasion, and consider whether it was by force of arms or by 
good offices to the Greeks that we attained the head of the 
naval confederacy, and the management of the treasury of 
Greece. 1 6. Besides, when our state, from being thought to 
exercise its power too tyrannically, was deprived of its supre- 
macy, were we not then also, after we abstained from en- 
croachment, again made rulers of the fleet by the unanimous 
consent of the islanders ? 2 7. Did not the Thebans, in con- 
sideration of the benefits which they had received, allow the 
Athenians to lead them ? 3 Even the Lacedaemonians, not from 
being forced, but from having been assisted by us, allowed 
the Athenians to settle matters as they pleased respecting the 
supreme command. 4 8. And at the present time, through the 
disturbances prevailing in Greece, 5 it seems to me that an 
opportunity has offered itself to our city to attach the Greeks 
to it again without difficulty, without danger, and without 
expense ; for we may endeavour to reconcile the states that 
are at war with one another, and we may try also to unite 
such as are divided into factions. 9. If you should make it 
evident, too, not by forming warlike confederacies, but by send- 
ing embassies throughout Greece, that you are anxious for the 
temple at Delphi to be free as it was formerly, I think it would 
not be at all surprising if you should find all the Greeks ready 
to agree, and to form confederacies and alliances with you, 
against those 6 who sought to gain the mastery over the Delphic 

1 The Athenians had the appointment of the Hellenotamiee, the officers 
who had charge of the contributions of the Grecian states for the Persian 
war. Thucyd. I. 96 

2 After the battle of Leuctra, or, as Boeckh thinks (II. 144), somewhat 
sooner, about the third or fourth year of the hundredth Olympiad. 

3 To what period this refers, is uncertain. 

4 This doubtless refers to what took place in the fourth year of the 
hundred and second Olympiad ; see Hellen. vii. 1. Schneider. See also 
Diod. Sic. xv. 67. 

5 Referring to the state of things after the battle of Mantineia, Olymp. 
civ. 2. See the conclusion of Xenophon's Hellenics. Schneider. 

a Zeune understands the Thebans, from Justin, b. viii. The Phocians 
under Philomelus had taken possession of the temple ; and the Thebans 
rose in opposition to them, and were after a time supported by Philip and 
the Macedonians. Schneider. 


temple when the Phocians relinquished it. 10. If you indicate, 
moreover, that you are desirous that peace should prevail over 
the whole land and sea, I consider that all the Greeks, next 
to the security of their own countries, would pray for the pre- 
servation of Athens. 

11. But if any one still thinks that war is more conducive 
to the wealth of our city than peace, I know not by what 
means this point can be better decided, than by considering 
what effect events that occurred in former times produced on 
our city. 12. For he will find that in days of old vast sums 
of money were brought into the city during peace, and that 
the whole of it was expended during war ; and he will learn, 
if he gives his attention to the subject, that, in the present 
day, many branches of the revenue are deficient in conse- 
quence of the war, and that the money from those which 
have been productive has been spent on many urgent requi- 
sitions of every kind ; but that now, when peace is established 
at sea. the revenues are increasing, and that the citizens are 
at liberty to make whatever use of them they please. 

13. If any one should ask me this question, "Do you mean 
that, even if any power should unjustly attack our state, we 
must maintain peace with that power?" I should not say 
that I had any such intention ; but I may safely assert, that 
we shall retaliate on any aggressors with far greater facility, 
if we can show that none of our people does wrong to any 
%ae ; * for then our enemies will not have a single support©*" 


advantages that will arise from the plans proposed. Divine aid and pro- 
tection to be sought. 

1. If, then, of all that has been said, nothing appears im- 
possible or even difficult, and if, in case that what I propose 
be effected, we shall sscure increased attachment from the 

1 Ei fjLTjdsva 7rapi\;otjU6v ddiicouvra.] Si efficere conemur, ut tieno 
civium nostrorum extraneos vel socios injuria ejficiat. Sauppe. 


Greeks in general, dwell in greater security, and be distin- 
guished with greater honour, — if the common people will have 
plenty of provisions, and the rich be eased of the expenses 
for war, — if, as abundance increases, we shall celebrate our 
festivals with greater magnificence than at present, shall re- 
pair our temples, rebuild our walls and docks, and restore 
their civil rights 1 to the priests, the senate, the magistrates, 
and the cavalry, is it not proper that we should proceed to ex- 
ecute these plans as soon as possible, that, even in our days, 
we may see our country flourishing in security ? 2. Should 
we resolve on pursuing these measures, I should recommend 
that we should send to Dodona and Delphi to inquire of the 
gods whether it will be better and more advantageous for the 
state, for the present time and for posterity, thus to regulate 
itself. 3. If the gods should give their assent to the pro- 
ceedings, I should say that we ought then to ask which of 
the gods we should propitiate in order to execute our designs 
in the best and most efficient manner ; and whichever of the 
deities they name in their reply, it will be proper to seek 
favourable omens from them by sacrifices, and then to com- 
mence our operations ; for if our undertakings are begun with 
the support of the gods, it is likely that the results from 
them will lead continually to that which is still better and 
more advantageous for the state. 

1 Ta warpta.] " Leurs anciens droits." Gail. Sauppe supposes that 
there had been an intermission of pay from "vant of funds. 



This treatise, as Weiske observes, is the production of a man 
who had had much experience in horsemanship, and who had 
nicely observed the habits and character of the horse. _ He speaks 
with commendation, at the commencement, of a writer named 
Simo, who had published a work on horses. Of Simo little more 
is known than what Xenophon tells ; he is called an Athenian by 
Suidas (v. TpiXKrj), and is several times cited by Pollux. Accord- 
ing to Pliny, H. N. xxxiv. 8, he was the first that wrote on horse- 

In delivering his observations and precepts, Xenophon some- 
times uses the first person plural, and sometimes the first person 
singular, but the reason for the difference does not appear. The 
treatise seems from the conclusion to have been written after the 
Hipparchicus, but as it is printed in all editions before it, it is here 
suffered to retain its precedence. 



How a person may judge of a colt, so as not to be deceived in purchasing. 

i. Since, as it has been our fortune to be long engaged 
about horses, we consider that we have acquired some know- 
ledge of horsemanship ; we desire also to intimate to the younger 
part of our friends how we think that they may bestow their 
attention on horses to the best advantage. Simo has indeed 
written, too, on the management of horses, who also made an of- 
fering of the brazen horse on the temple of the Eleusinian Ceres l 
at Athens, and engraved his own works 2 on the pedestal ; 
and in whatever particulars, assuredly, we happen to be of the 
same opinion with him, we shall not expunge s them from our 
pages, but shall lay them before our friends with far greater 
pleasure, expecting to acquire additional credit, since he who 
was skilled in horses had the same notions with us ; and on 
such points as he has left unnoticed we shall endeavour to 
throw light. 

1 To 'EXevoiviov.'] Templum Cereris Eleusinue Athenis. See Pausan. 
i. 4. Sturz, Lex. Xen. 

2 Td kavTov tpya.~\ Weiske supposes that these words mean the arts 
and contrivances which he adopted in the management of horses, and 
which he indicated by the representation of a horse and man in certain 
attitudes on the pedestal of the statue. This notion is supported by a 
fragment of Hierocles, given in the collection of writings De Re Veteri- 
narid, published by Simon Grynaeus, Basil, 1537. Some have supposed 
that Simo was himself a statuary, but this is not apparent. 

3 'FlaXs^ofiev.'] Xenophon speaks as if he had written his own book 
before he saw Simo's 


We shall show, first jf all, how a man may be least deceived 
in purchasing a horse. In regard to a colt not yet broken, it 
is plain that we must examine his body ; for of his temper a 
horse that has never been mounted can give no certain indi- 

2. In respect to his body, then, we assert that we must first 
examine the feet ; for as there would be no use in a house, 
though the upper parts were extremely beautiful, if the found- 
ations were not laid as they ought to be, so there would be no 
profit in a war-horse, even if he had all his other parts excel- 
lent, but was unsound in the feet ; for he would be unable to 
render any of his other good qualities effective. 

3. A person may form his opinion of the feet by first ex- 
amining the hoofs ; for thick hoofs are much more conducive 
to firmness of tread than thin ones ; and it must also not 
escape his notice whether the hoofs are high or low, as well 
before as behind ; for high hoofs raise what is called the frog 1 
far above the ground; and low ones tread equally on the 
strongest and softest part of the foot, like in-kneed men. 
Simo says that horses which have good feet may be known by 
the sound ; and he says this with great justice, for a hollow 
hoof rings against the ground like a cymbal. 2 

4. Since we have commenced with this part, we shall as- 
cend from it to the rest of the body. The bones 3 immediately 

1 XeXiSova.) The soft and hollow part of the hoof, called also fi&Tpa- 
%og, and by Vegetius ranula ; in French, la fourchette ; in German, der 
Strahl. As it has no similarity to a swallow, the derivation is perhaps 
from xkiS&v, denoting its tenderness. WeisJce. The translator of this 
treatise of Xenophon's, in Berenger's " History of Horsemanship," 
renders it " the frog, or rather the sole." 

2 Monsieur Bourgelat, in his preface to the second volume of "Les 
Elemens Hippiatriques," reprehends this remark as trifling and false ; 
and if our author is to be understood literally — and the words seem to 
admit no other construction — the criticism is certainly just. It may be 
but candid, nevertheless, to think that Xenophon could mean to say no 
more than that the feet, if well formed and in good condition, could bear 
to be struck against the ground so forcibly as to make it ring and sound ; 
and that this noise was a proof of their soundness, otherwise the horse 
could not bear the shock, so as to make his beats firm and distinct. Be- 
renger's Hist, of Horsemanship, vol. i. p. 221. Solido graviter sonat 
ungula cornu. Virg. Georg. iii. 88 Horses are mentioned by laaiali 
as having " hoofs like flints." 

3 That is, the bones of the pattern. 

5 — 8.] PARTS OF A HORSE. 269 

above the hoofs, then, and below the fetlocks, must be neither 
too upright, like those of a goat (for then, being too unyield- 
ing, 1 they shake the rider, and such legs are more subject 
to inflammation), nor ought those bones to be too sloping; 
for the fetlocks will in that case be denuded of hair and 
galled, if the horse be ridden either among clods or over 

5. Of the legs the bones ought to be thick ; for they are the 
supports of the body ; but it is not in veins or flesh that their 
thickness should consist, 2 since, should this be the case, they 
must, when the horse is ridden over hard ground, be filled 
with blood, when hard tumours 3 will arise, and while the whole 
leg is swollen, the skin will widen ; and when the skin is 
loose, the small bone of the leg 4 often gives way, and renders 
the horse lame. 

6. If the colt, as he walks, bends his knees freely, 5 you 
may conjecture that he will have supple legs when he is 
ridden ; for all colts in the course of time acquire greater 
freedom of motion in their knees ; and supple joints are 
justly commended, for they render a horse less likely to 
stumble and grow tired than stiff joints. 

7. The thighs 6 under the shoulders, if they are stout, appear 
stronger and more graceful, as is the case with those of men. 
The chest, if somewhat broad, is better adapted both for beauty 
and strength, as well as for keeping the legs, not so as to 
touch, 7 but wide apart. 

8. The neck, as it proceeds from the chest, should not fall 
forwards, like that of a boar, but should grow upwards like 
that of a cock, and should have an easy motion 8 at the part3 

' Avrirv7ru)Tepa.~] Duriora atque nimis resistentia. Sturz, Lex. Xen, 

2 The author means that the legs should be lean and dry, and the veins 
and sinews distinct, firm, and compact. Berenger. 

3 KpurcrovgJ] In Latin, varices. See Celsus, vii. 31. 

4 *H 7TEp6vr].] Os exterius tibice. Zeune, 

5 This is so clear and evident, that the rule is observed by the judicious 
to this day ; as it is certain that no horse which has not a suppleness in 
his joints, and can bend his knees, can go either with safety or grace, 
Berenger. Mollia crura, Virg. Georg. iii. 76. 

• These are now called the arms ; they begin from the shoulder and 
reach to the knee. Berenger. 

1 Upbg to juj) sira\\a%.] Uti crura non implicentur. Camerarius. 

• Aayapog.] Mollis, non rigidus. Sturz, Lex. Xen. 


about the arch. The head should be bony, 1 and have a small 
cheek. Thus the neck will be directly in front of the rider, 2 
and the eye of the animal will see what is before his feet. 3 A 
horse of such a shape would be less able to do mischief, even 
though he be extremely vicious ; for it is not by bending, but 
by stretching out the neck and head, that horses attempt U 
be mischievous. 

9. It is necessary to observe, however, whether both the 
jaws 4 be soft or hard, or only one of them, for horses which 
have not both the jaws alike are generally obstinate. 5 To 
have the eye prominent gives an air of greater vigilance to a 
horse than to have it sunk, and a horse with such an eye can 
see much further than another. 

10. Wide nostrils are not only better adapted for breathing 
than those which are contracted, but make a horse appear 
more terrible ; for when one horse is angry at another, or i§ 
excited in being ridden, he dilates his nostrils. 

1 1. When the top of the head is somewhat large, and the ean 
rather small, they render a horse's head more like what it 
ought to be. The point of the shoulder being high renders 
the seat of the rider more secure, and makes the shoulder ap- 
pear more firmly attached to the body. A double spine 6 is 
both much softer to sit upon, and more pleasing to the eye, 
than a single one. 

1 That is to say, the head should not be fleshy, but lean and dry ; and 
these properties, added to small bones, will compose a little head, which is 
esteemed the most beautiful. Berenger. 

2 As the rider will sit immediately behind the erect neck of the horse 

3 On account of the smallness of the jaw, which will not obstruct 
his sight. Weiske. 

4 Berenger translates it "both the jaws or bars," and says in a note, 
" I have added the word bars, as explanatory of what Xenophon calls the 
jaws, although it must be confessed that the good or bad temper of a 
horse's mouth depends much upon the formation of the jaws, and the 
setting on of the head." 

5 'T&repoyvaOoi.] 'ErtpoyvaQog signifies a refractory horse, which, from 
the hardness of its mouth or jaw, will turn only to one side. Sturz, Lex, 
Xen. Leunclavius renders the word by contumaces. Suidas and Hesychius 
give it a similar sense. " Pour l'ordinaire, ceux qui out les barres in6- 
gales, resistent plus d'un c6te que de l'autre." Gail. 

6 Et duplex agitur per lumbos spina. Virg. Georg. iii. "A horse in 
good condition is said to have a double spine, because the fleshy parte on 
each side of the spine rise in two ridges." Weiske. 

§ 12 — 15.] PARTS OF A HORSE. 271 

12. The sides being somewhat deep, and swelling towards the 
belly, render a horse in general more easy to ride, and stronger, 
and make him appear better profited by his food. 1 The 
broader and shorter the loins are, the more easily the horse 
raises his fore parts, and brings forward his hinder ones ; and 
in so doing, his belly will appear smaller, which, if large, partly 
disfigures a horse, and renders him also weaker and less able 
to carry weight. 

13. The haunches should be broad and well covered with 
flesh, that they may correspond to the sides and the chest ; 
and if these parts are compact, they will be lighter for run- 
ning, and render the horse much swifter. 

14. If a horse has the thighs under the tail broad and not 
distorted, 2 he will then set his hind legs well apart, and will 
by that means have a quicker 3 and firmer step, 4 a better seat 
for a rider, and will be better in every respect. 5 We may see 
a proof of this in men ; for when they wish to take up anything 
from the ground, they try to raise it by setting their legs 
apart rather than by bringing them together. 

is. A horse should not have large testicles; but it is im- 
possible to tell what will be the size of them in a colt. With 
regard to the pasterns of the hind legs, or shins, as well as the 
fetlocks and hoofs, we may make the same remarks as we made 
concerning the fore-legs. 

1 Ei%t\6r€pov.] Euy/Xoc, qui pabulo facile nutritur. Sturz, Lex. 
Xen. Pabuli appetens. Weiske. 

2 IlXarcTc re icai firj ^isffTpafiixevovg."] This is the reading proposed by 
Curerius, and adopted by Dindorf. The old copies have irXareiq, ry 
ypanny diwpitjfisvovQ, of which no critic could make anything satisfac- 
tory. Sauppe reads, from a conjecture of Hermann's, -irXaTiia ry 
Tpdfisi 8ih)pL<TfievovQ, " separated by a broad rpa/xtc," which means the 
line dividing the scrotum, and extending up to the anus. 

3 TopyoTspav.'] " Quick " is the signification given by Hesychius to 
yopyoc, in reference to horses. 

4 Tirofiaaiv.'] I suppose this word to mean status, "standing," which 
will be firmer when the legs are well apart. Weiske. " Will carry his 
rider with more strength and swiftness." Berenger. Sauppe thinks 
that it means subsessio, the sinking down of a horse when his rider mounts 
him, referring to c. 16, sect. 6; but this acceptation does not suit well 
with either of the preceding adjectives. 

5 Kai iiTravra fitkriiov iotcli eavrov.'] So these words stand in Din- 
dorf s text. In other texts they vary greatly. "Weiske, not unreasonably, 
supposes that they are altogether corrupt, and have usurped the place of 
something relating to the fore-legs, and suitable to what is said afterwards 
respecting a man 


16. I wish also to show by what means a, person will be 
least likely to be deceived in regard to the probable size; for 
any colt that has very long legs when it is foaled will become 
a very large horse, since in all quadrupeds the shank-bones 
do not grow much as time advances, but the rest of the body, 
that it may be symmetrical, grows in proportion to them. 

17. Those who judge in this way of the shape of a colt seem 
to us most likely to get a horse that has good feet, and 
is strong, fleshy, and of a good figure and size. Even 
though some horses change as they grow up, yet we may still 
have sufficient confidence in these observations to form a 
judgment ; for far more horses, from being ill-shaped, become 
well proportioned, than grow deformed after having once been 


Of breaking and training colts. 

1. How we must break colts, it does not appear to me that I 
need give any account ; l for though it is people that are well 
provided with means in communities, and that have no small 
share in the commonwealth, who are required 2 to serve in the 
cavalry, yet it is much better for a young man to study to im- 
prove his bodily strength, and to attain a knowledge of horse- 
manship, or, if he is already a proficient in it, to exercise him- 
self in riding, than to be a breaker of colts ; and for a man in 
years it is better that he should attend to his family and 
friends, or to civil and military occupations, than employ him- 
self in training horses. 

2. He assuredly who knows as much as myself respecting 
the management of colts will give his colt out to be broken'. 2 

1 Dindorf follows Curerius in reading firj ypairTsov. Preceding editions 
are without the negative. 

2 As will be seen in the following treatise on the duties of a cavalry 

3 It is to be inferred from this expression, that in our author's time, if 
not long before, there were certain persons who professed to break colts, 
and were public riding-masters ; which proves that the art was much con- 
sidered and cultivated in Greece, even in those early age?. Betenger. 

§ 3- -5. J of colts. 273 

But he ought to write down, when he gives him out, as h& 
does when he puts out a youth to learn any art, in what 
points the trainer is to send him back instructed; for this will 
be an intimation to the trainer to what particulars he must at- 
tend, if he wishes to receive his pay. 

3. "We should however take care that the colt be delivered to 
the breaker gentle, tractable, and submissive to man ; for such 
a disposition may generally be produced in him by the groom 
at home, if he knows how to manage so that hunger, and 
thirst, and uneasiness may be felt by the colt when alone, and 
that food, and drink, and relief from uneasiness may come to 
him from man ; for, if things are thus ordered, men must not 
only be liked, but longed for, by the colts. 

4. We ought also to handle such parts as a horse most 
likes to be stroked ; and these are the parts which are most 
hairy, and in which the horse, if anything makes him uneasy, 
is least able to afford himself relief. 

5. Let orders be given to the groom, too, to lead him 
through crowds of people, and to make him approach all kinds 
of objects and sounds ; and of whichever of these the colt is 
afraid, we must teach him, not with harshness, but with gen- 
tleness, that they are by no means objects of fear. Such are 
the points, in respect to the breaking of colts, to which it ap- 
pears to me sufficient to admonish a private individual ! to 


How to judge of a horse for riding. 

1. When a person would buy a horse that has been already 
ridden, we shall subjoin some admonitions which he ought tc 
bear in mind, if he would not be cheated in his purchase. In 
the first place, then, let it not escape his notice what the age 
is ; for a horse that has no longer the marks in his teeth 
neither delights the buyer with hope, nor is so easy to be ex- 

2. When his youth is ascertained, it must also be noticed 
1 Ty idiwry.] That is one who is not a professed colt-breaker. 


274 ON HORSEMANSHIP, ["en. 3 

how he takes the bit into his mouth, and the head-piece over 
his ears ; and this cannot fail to be observed, if the bridle is 
put on in sight of the purchaser, and taken off in his sight. 

3. It is also necessary to see how he takes the rider on his 
back ; for many horses reluctantly receive on them anything 
which it is plain to them that they cannot receive without 
oeing compelled to work. 4. It must likewise be observed 
whether, when he is mounted, he wishes to separate himself 
from other horses, or whether, if he is ridden near horses 
standing by, he carries off his rider towards them. There 
are some horses too, that, from bad training, run off from the 
places of exercise to their stalls l at home. 

5. As for horses whose jaws are not alike, 2 that sort of 
riding which is called the pede 3 exposes them, and, still more, 
a change in the direction in which they are ridden; 4 for 
many horses will not attempt to run away with their riders, 
unless a hard jaw, and their course directed homewards, con- 
cur to stimulate them. We ought to ascertain, also, whether 
the horse, being put to his speed, is readily pulled up, and 
whether he submits to be turned about. 

6. It is good for a purchaser not to be ignorant,, moreover, 
whether a horse is equally willing to obey when he is roused 
with a blow ; for a servant and an army, if disobedient, are 
useless, but a disobedient horse is not only useless, but often 
plays the traitor. 

7. But when we take upon ourselves to purchase a war- 
horse, we must make trial of him in all things in which war 
will make trial of him ; and these are, leaping across ditches, 
springing over walls, jumping on to mounds, and jumping 
down from them ; and we must try him in riding up and down 

1 'A<f>68ovQ.'] "A(f>o8oc, says Sturz, is the same as avax^prjcng, a re- 
treat, a place of retirement. 

2 Tovg knQoyvaGovQ.~\ See note on c. 1, sect. 9. 

3 TLsdij.'} Pollux, i. 214, says that iredt] is iTriraola ?/ ki/kXot-^ot/c, ex- 
ercise or riding in a circle, and that the eTrifirjKTjg 7re8ij is that which 
fixes the size of the circle, apparently a rope or tether. The exercise 
meant, therefore, says Schneider, is the same as the Latin gyrus or gyroa<u>. 
Other critics have been much perplexed about the meaning of the word ; 
put this seems to be the true interpretation. It is approved, says Sauppe, 
by Hermann, in his Opusc. torn. i. p. 63 — 80. Yet the pede was no* 
always of a circular form. See c. 7, sect. 13. 

4 Turning them sometimes to the right, sometimes to the left. This 
has no reference to th« ttev^ 


sleep places, and along them; for all such efforts show his 
spirit, whether it is bold, and whether his body is sound. 8. 
Yet we must not at once reject ahorse that does not accomplish 
all these feats perfectly ; for many fail, not from being un- 
able, but from want of training ; and if they are taught, and 
used, and exercised in such performances, they will execute 
them all well, provided they are sound in other respects, and 
not wanting in spirit. 

9. We must however be cautious of having anything to do 
with horses that are naturally shy ; for horses that are exces- 
sively timorous will not only not allow the rider on their back 
to harm the enemy, but will often take him by surprise, 1 and 
expose him to great danger. 10. We must also learn whether 
the horse has anything of vice either towards other horses, or 
towards men, and whether he is averse to being handled ; for 
all such defects are troublesome to his owner. 

n. As to any reluctance to being bridled and mounted, and 
other tricks, 2 a person will much sooner discover them, if, 
when the horse has been thoroughly exercised, he attempt to 
do to him 3 what he did before he began to ride him ; since 
horses that, after having been exercised, are ready to submit 
to exercise again, give sufficient proofs of a mettlesome spirit. 

12. To sum up all in a few words, whatever horse has good 
feet, is mild-tempered, sufficiently swift, is willing and able t@ 
endure fatigue, and is in the highest degree obedient, will 
probably give least trouble to his rider, and contribute most 
to his safety in military occupations. But horses that from 
sluggishness require a great deal of driving, or, from excess 
of mettle, much coaxing and care, afford plenty of employ- 
ment to the rider, as well as much apprehension in time of 

1 "B<r<prj\av. j Sturz, in his Lexicon, makes this equivalent to excus- 
serunt ; but it is doubtful whether the word signifies so much. Leun- 
clavius renders the passage, Scepenumero etiam in gravissima pericula 
conjecto sessori detrimentum attulerunt. Gail gives, " Bien souvent ii 
eurprend son cavalier, et lui cause des facheux accidens." 

a Aivev para.] " Twistings or turnings about." This is the reading 
adopted by Dindorf and Sauppe. The old reading was dr) vsvfiara, 
" turnings of the head," instead of which Weiske proposed dvavevfiara 
or kKvevfiara : Zeune, Svavevnara, contrary, as Weiske remarks, tQ 
analogy, there being no verb Svavtveu'. 

9 That is, to bridle and mount him. 

- 2 



Attention necessary to be paid to a horse by its owner. 

l When a man has purchased a horse that he admires, and 
taken him home, it is proper that his stable should be in some 
part of the premises where the master may see him most fre- 
quently ; and it will be right for him to construct the stall in 
such a way that it may no more be possible for the horse's 
food to be stolen from the manger than the master's from his 
cellar. He that is neglectful of such precaution appears to 
me to be neglectful of himself j for it is evident that in danger 
the master trusts his personal safety to his horse. 

2. A secure manger is not only serviceable to prevent the 
food from being stolen, but to let it be seen when the horse 
scatters his food out of the manger j 1 and if a person perceives 
that such is the case, he may be sure, either that the horse, 
having too much blood in his body, requires veterinary atten- 
tion, or that, from fatigue having affected him, he needs rest, 
or that indigestion 2 or some other malady is coming upon 
him ; and it is with horses as with men, that all diseases are 
more easily cured at the commencement than after they have 
acquired strength, and mistakes have been made in the treat- 
ment of them. 

3. As attention must be paid to a horse's food and exercise, 
that his body may be vigorous, so must care be likewise taken 
of his feet. Damp and smooth stable floors injure even na- 
turally good hoofs ; and to prevent them from being damp, 
they ought to be sloping; to prevent them from being 

1 'EKKOjui£y.] Sc. bk Trjg <parvriQ. As a horse will do when he dislikes 
his food, or is surfeited. Zeune. It is an " error," observes Berenger, 
" to keep the rack perpetually crammed with hay, which the horse being 
obliged to smell continually, is brought to nauseate and loathe it. A cer* 
tain portion should be given at a time, of which, if the animal leaves any part, 
it ought to be removed, that by having wanted food for a certain time, 
his appetite may call for it ; he will then relish what he eats, and thrive 
better upon a small quantity thus dealt out, than on a much larger impro- 
perly given. 1 ' 

2 KpiOiacrtc.] "When the barley passes through the horse whole 
Schneider. Barley was in ancient times the usual food of horses. Weisk* 


smooth, they should have stones inserted in the ground close 
to one another, similar to a horse's hoofs in size ; for such 
stable floors give firmness to the feet of horses that stand on 

4. The groom must also lead the horse out of the stable to 
the place where he is to comb him ; and he should be tied 
away from the manger after his morning's feed, that he may 
come to his evening meal with the greater appetite. The 
ground outside the stable may be put into excellent condition, 
and serve to strengthen the horse's feet, 2 if a person throws 
down in it here and there four or five loads of round stones, 
large enough to fill the two hands, and about a pound in 
weight, surrounding them with an iron rim, so that they may 
not be scattered ; for, as the horse stands on these, he will be 
in much the same condition as if he were to travel part of 
every day on a stony road. 3 

5. A horse must also move his hoofs when he is rubbed 
down, or when he is annoyed with flies, 4 as much as when he 
is walking ; and the stones which are thus spread about 
strengthen the frogs of the feet. And as we must take care 
of the hoofs, that they may be hard, so we must take care of 
the mouth, that it may be soft; and the same treatment 
softens the flesh of a man and the mouth of a horse. 5 

1 That is, they should be paved with stones about the size of a horse's 

2 Our method of keeping a large quantity of litter and dung under the 
horse's feet is wrong and injudicious. The litter, mixed with dung, heats 
the feet and legs, and makes the hoofs become dry and brittle. Besides 
this, the horse is not so much tempted to lie down at night, as he would 
be if it were removed, and spread under him again at proper seasons. 

3 The ancients did not shoe their horses, or nail upon their hoofs any- 
thing similar to our horse-shoes. At times, to prevent their hoofs from 
sufFering on rough ground, they put over the feet a kind of sandal or boot 
made of reeds or leather. The Japanese use something of the kind at the 
present day, made of straw, and requiring, of course, to be often changed. 
The earliest mention of a shoe, according to Berenger, is that of Childeric, 
who lived a. d. 481 ; of which the figure is preserved in Montfaucon's 
Antiquities, and which resembled the shoes in use among us. 

* MvuTTiZofievov.] As /j.v(v\1> signifies both a spur and &fly, the com- 
mentators have been in doubt what sense they should give to this word ; 
but Zeune and Schneider concur in taking it in the sense in which I have 
translated it. They take it also in the same sense in Hipp. c. 1, sect. 6. 

* Schneider cites a passage from Pollux, in which washing with warm 
water, and rubbing with oil, are recommended for softening the racuth. 



Qualifications and duties of a groom. 

1. It seems to us to be the duty of a man who keeps horses 
to see that his groom be instructed 1 as to what he ought to do 
about a horse. In the first place, he should know that the 
knot of the halter which ties the horse to the manger should 
never be made in the same place where the head-piece 2 is put 
round ; for as the horse often rubs his head against the man- 
ger, the halter, if it be not easy around his ears, will frequently 
cause sore places ; and, in consequence of such sores, the horse 
must necessarily prove less tractable under the operations of 
bridling and rubbing. 

2. It is right, also, that the groom should be ordered to 
carry out the dung and straw from the horse every day, to 
some one particular place ; 3 for, by so doing, he will get rid 
of it with the greatest ease, and at the same time do a service 
to the horse. 

3. The groom must likewise know that. he should put the 
muzzle 4 on the horse when he takes him out, whether to be 
rubbed down or for exercise ; and 5 at all times, indeed, when- 
ever he takes him out without a bit, he should muzzle him ; for 
the muzzle does not hinder him from breathing, though it pre- 
vents him from biting ; and, when it is on, it makes them feel 
less inclined to play vicious tricks. 6 

Berenger supposes that nothing more is meant than that we should " do 
nothing to injure or hurt the mouth, so as to make it insensible or callous, 
and then it will naturally be soft and tender." 

1 Ue7raidev(rBai.~\ Weiske takes this in a middle sense . Ut sibi insti- 
tuendum curaret. 

2 'H Kopvcpaia.} Pars habence, sammum equi caput cingens. Sturz, 
Lex. Xen. Something similar to our head-stall. 

3 To some convenient place for depositing it in a heap, that it may not 
be scattered about. 

4 This seems to have been a practice among the ancients. Pollux 
mentions it, I. 202, where it is said that the or muzzle, while it pre- 
vents the horse from biting, is no obstruction to his breathing. 

5 'E7rJ Kv\i<TTpav.~\ Literally, to " the rolling-place." There arc fre- 
quent allusions in the ancient writers to taking out horses to roll them- 
selves. See CEcon. c. 11, sect. 18 ; Aristoph. Nub. 32. 

• 'E7ritov\evtiv.^ ALUs equis insidiari, Br dseus. But it Sf^ras to 

§ 4 — ?.] CtJftES OF THE GROOM. 2?§ 

4. It is proper to tie up a horse with the halter above his 
head ; for whatever annoys a horse about the face, he na- 
turally tries to get rid of by throwing up his head ; and when 
he is thus tied, he rather, as he throws up his head, loosens 
his halter than tightens it. 1 

5. When the groom rubs down the horse, he should begin 
with the head and the mane ; for if the upper parts are not 
clean, it is useless to clean thos^ below ; and then, with all 
sorts of cleansing instruments, he should raise the hair over 
the rest of the body, and brush away the dust in the contrary 
direction to that in which the hair grows ; but the hair on the 
back he ought to touch with no instrument at all, but to rub 
and smooth it down gently with the hand the way that it na- 
turally lies, for thus he will do less injury to the seat of the 

6. The head he should wash with water ; for, being bony. 
if it were cleaned with anything made of iron or wood, 2 it 
would pain the horse. The forelock he should also moisten; 3 
for while these hairs, though of a good length, do not prevent 
the horse from seeing, they brush away from his eyes what- 
ever annoys them; and we may suppose that the gods gave- these 
hairs to the horse instead of the long ears which they have 
given to asses and mules, to be a protection to the eyes. 7. 
The tail and the mane it is also proper to wash, since we 
should encourage the growth of this hair ; that of the tail, in 
order that the horse, stretching it out as far as possible, may 
brush off whatever molests him ; 4 and that of the neck, that, 

signify the playing of any tricks, or doing any mischief, whether to other 
horses or to men. 

1 By such a mode of tying, the horse will not he irritated, and the halter 
will not easily be broken. Weiske. 

2 This implies that the Greeks used instruments for the purpose of 
cleaning their horses, as we do curry-combs ; and perhaps the moderns 
are indebted to them for these utensils. Berenger. 

3 To make it grow. Comp. sect. 7. 

• 4 These observations are so true and just, that one would almost think 
it needless to dwell upon them ; yet such is the cruelty and absurdity of 
our notions and customs in cropping, as it is called, the ears of our horses, 
and docking and nicking their tails, that we every day fly in the face of 
reason, nature, and humanity. Nor are the present race of men in this 
island alone to be charged with this folly, almost unbecoming the ignorance 
and cruelty of savages ; but their forefathers, several centuries ago, were 
charged and reprehended by a public canon for this absurd and barbarous 
practice. See Spelman's Councils of England, vol. i. p. 293. 

280 »N HORSEMANSHIP. [cH, 6 

being abundant, it may afford an ample grasp to the person 

8. The mane, fore-lock, and tail have been given by the gods 
as additions to the beauty of a horse ; and a proof of this is, 
that mares kept for breeding do not so readily admit asses to 
cover them, as long as their hair is of its natural length ; and 
in consequence, all those who breed mules cut off the hair of 
the mares to prepare them for being covered. 1 

9. Washing of the legs we omit ; for it is of no use, and 
the daily wetting does harm to the hoofs. It is proper, also, 
to moderate the excessive cleaning under the belly ; for it is 
the most troublesome of all cleaning to the horse ; and the 
cleaner those parts are made, the more annoyances 2 they at- 
tract under the belly. io. Besides, if a groom takes ever so 
much pains with those parts, the horse is no sooner taken out, 
than he is exactly in the same condition as horses that have 
not been cleaned. These things it is therefore well to let 
alone ; and in regard to the legs, too, such rubbing of them 
as can be performed with the hands is sufficient. 


How a horse is to be treated. 

. We shall now show how a man may groom a horse with 
reast danger to himself, and most benefit to the animal. If, 

God never made his work for man to mend. — Dry den. 

It is thought by some that the cutting of the tail diminishes the swiftness 
of the horse ; it certainly does in greyhounds, * * especially in turning. 

1 This is a strange assertion to come from the pen of so grave and ex- 
act a writer as Xenophon. The reader is left to form what opinion he 
pleases of it ; many other authors likewise mention this peculiarity, 
which tends only to make the account more strange. Berenger. Pollux, 
I. 217, gives a similar account from Simo, adding that the mares thus 
shorn, seeing their deformity in the mirror of the water, feel themselves 
degraded, and no longer repel the advances of the asses. 

2 Troublesome insects appear to be meant. Saupjpe. 

§ 2 — 6.] TREATMENT OF HORSES. 281 

when he cleans him, he looks the same way as the horse, 1 there 
is danger that he may be struck in the face with his knee or 
his hoof. 2. But if he looks in the opposite direction to the 
aorse when he cleans him, keeping himself 2 out of the reach 
of his leg, and rubs gradually down by the shoulder, he will 
thus receive no injury, and may clean the frog of the horse's 
foot by turning up the hoof. In like manner let him clean 
the hind legs. 

3. But whoever is employed about a horse, ought to know 
hat to do these things, and everything else that he has to do, 
'ie must come as little as possible near the face and the tail; 
for if a horse is inclined to be vicious, he has in both these parts 
the advantage of the man. But a person who approaches him 
at the side may manage the horse with least danger to him- 
self, and with most power over the beast. 3 

4. When we have to lead a horse, we do not approve of 
the practice of leading from behind, for these reasons, that 
the person leading the horse is thus least able to keep on his 
guard against him, and the horse has most liberty to do what 
he pleases. 5. To the mode, again, of conducting him with a 
long rein, to teach him to go forward and take the lead, we 
object for the following reasons, that the horse can do mis- 
chief on whichever side he pleases, and that, by turning him- 
self round, 4 he can set himself opposite his leader. 6. When 
there are a number of horses together, too, how, if they are 
thus led, can they be prevented from annoying one another ? 
But a horse that is accustomed to be led at the side, will be 
least in a condition to molest either other horses or men, and 
will be readiest at hand for his rider whenever he may require 
to mount in haste. 

1 That is, while he is cleaning the fore-feet. Schneider. 

2 Ka0i£wv.] Schneider suspects this word to be corrupt ; but KctTtuv, 
which he proposes to substitute for it, is not very satisfactory. "If he 
places himself out of the reach of his foot." Berenger. " En se tenant 
du c6te" de l'epaule." Gail. 

3 The words of the text, in this passage, have been understood very 
differently by Leunclavius and Schneider. Schneider interprets thus : 
To 6' av [ayeiv~\ t/jLirpoGSrev /juxKpqi aywyei Trpo'iovra (agreeing with rbv 
'Itttcov) didaaiceiv v<pr}yii<j$rat (in the sense of prceire) rbv "wkov. Leun- 
clavius referred Trpo'iov-a to the groom, and rendered vfijyeia^ai by 
"subsequi," a sense which that verb will not bear ; and I have therefore 
followed Schneider. 

* Whether with his face or tail towards his leader. 

282 ON HORSEMANSHIP. 1 en o. 

7. That the groom may put on the bridle properly, let 
him first approach the horse on the left side, and then throw- 
ing the reins over the horse's head, let him suffer them to 
rest on the point of the shoulder ; and next let him take the 
head-piece in his right hand, and apply the bit with his left. 
8. If the horse take the bit into his mouth, the man has nothing 
to do but put on the head-piece ; but if the horse will not open 
his mouth, the man must hold the bit to his teeth, and insert 
the middle finger of his left hand between the horse's bars ; 
for most horses, when this is done, open their mouths ; should 
the horse, however, not even then receive the bit, let him press 
the lip against the dog-tooth or tusk, and there are very few 
horses that, on feeling this, will not admit it. 

9. Let the groom also be instructed in the following points. 
First, never to lead the horse by the bridle, for this practice 
makes horses harder on one side of the mouth than on the 
other j and, next, to keep the bit from pressing on his jaws as 
much as possible ; for if the bit rubs on them too much, it 
renders the mouth callous, so that it loses all feeling ; though^ 
on the other hand, if it is allowed to fall down too much to- 
wards the front of the mouth, it gives the horse an oppor- 
tunity of seizing the bit between his teeth, and refusing to 
obey it. to. It is proper, however, that a horse should not be 
irritated by these matters when he has work to do ; for so 
important is it that a horse should take the bit readily, that one 
who does not take it is altogether useless. 11. But if he is 
accustomed to be bitted, not only when he is going to work, 
but when he is taken to his food, and when he is brought 
home to his stable after being ridden, it will not be at all 
surprising if he seize the bit of his own accord when it is held 
towards him. 

12. It is well, too, that the groom should know how to as- 
sist a rider to mount after the Persian manner, 1 that the master 

1 Berenger observes that as stirrups were unknown in the days of 
Xenophon, the methods of getting on horseback must have been to vault, 
to step on a horse-block, or to mount after the Persian manner, which 
was to set the foot on the back of a slave, who attended and bent himself 
for that purpose. The slave who was subjected to this office was called 
by the Greeks dvatoXdg, Appian. Punic. 106 ; and by the Latins 
strdtor, Ammian. Marcell. xxix. 3. It was thus that Sapor degraded the 
conquered emperor, Valerian. 


himself, if he should be sick or advanced in years, may have 
some one that can mount him easily, or may lend his servant 
to a friend to mount him, if he wish to afford such assistance 
to any one. 

13. But never to approach a horse in a Jit of anger is the 
one great precept and maxim of conduct in regard to the 
treatment of a horse ; for anger is destitute of forethought, 
and consequently often does that of which the agent must 
necessarily repent. 

14. When a horse is shy of any object, and reluctant to 
approach it, the rider must try to make him feel l that there is 
nothing terrible in it, especially to a horse of spirit ; but if he 
cannot succeed, the rider must himself touch that which ap- 
pears so alarming, and lead the horse up gently to it. 15. As 
to those who force horses forward with blows in such a case, 
they only inspire them with greater terror ; for they imagine, 
when they suffer any pain at such a time, that what they look 
upon with alarm is in some way the cause of it. 

16. When the groom brings the horse to the rider, we have 
no objection that he should know how to make the horse 
stoop, 2 so that it may be easy to mount him ; yet we think 
every rider ought to take care to be able to mount, even if 
the horse does not bend to him ; for sometimes a different 
horse will present himself, and the same horse will not always 
be equally obedient. 


Of the proper mode of mounting and riding a horse. Of exercising a 


1. We shall now show how a rider must act, when he has 
received his horse for the purpose of mounting him, so 

_ ' By speaking cheerfully to him, patting him, and giving him other 
signs of encouragement. " Leniter videlicet impellendo equo, ut accedat, 
et admoto sensu suavi." Weiske. 

'■ , Y7ro6i€d££<rS r ai.] Se submittere cruribus divaricatis aut genibus 
flexis. "Weiske. So Pollux, L 213. Hence Schneider and others 


as to be of most service alike to himself and to his horse in 

In the first place, then, he must take the rein, 1 which is 
fastened to the lower part of the bit, 2 or to the chain that goes 
under the chin, 3 in his left hand, in a convenient manner, 
and so loosely, that he may not, either as he raises himself by 
grasping the mane near the ears, or jumps on the horse's back 
with the assistance of his spear, 4 pull the animal back. Then, 
with his right hand, let him take hold of the bridle 5 at the 
point of the shoulder, and of the mane at the same time, that 
he may not in any way, as he mounts, twist the horse's mouth 
with the bit. 2. When he has set himself at ease for mount- 
ing, let him draw up his body with his left hand, and, stretch- 
ing forth his right, let him lift himself with that also (for, 
mounting in this way, he will not present an ungraceful ap- 
pearance behind), and let him do this with his leg bent, and 
not rest his knees on the back of the horse, but throw his leg 
across at once to the right side ; and when he has passed his 
foot clean over, let him then seat himself on the horse's back. 

think that viroGaoig, c. I, sect. 14, means subsessio, but this inter- 
pretation seems not adapted for that passage. Horses, it appears, were 
sometimes thus taught to stoop. Silius Italicus, x. 465, says of the horse 
of Cleelius, 

Inclinatus collum, submissus efc armos 

De more, implexis prabebat scandere terga 


1 Tbv pvTayioyka. 

2 Trjg viroxaXividiaQ.] Inferioris freni partis. Sturz, Lex. Xen. 

3 Tov ipaXiov.] The 'tpaXiov, or yeWiov, says Pollux, i. 248, was to 
irtpi to ykvuov di-gprjfievov. 

4 This manner of getting on horseback from the lance or spear has, 
till lately, puzzled all the antiquaries and commentators, who have not 
been able to give any satisfactory account of it. In the collection of the 
Pates Antiques, belonging to the late celebrated Baron Stock, there is one 
which represents a soldier as going to mount his horse by the assistance 
of his spear. The spear is planted at the side of the horse, and has a 
hook upon the shaft, on which the man placing his foot easily bestrides 
the horse. This, at first sight, explains the above passage. Livy men- 
tions likewise this method of getting on horseback as practised by the 
Roman soldiers. N. B. This collection is now in the British Museum. 

* Tde rfviag.'] Different from the pvraywyevg mentioned just above, 
which the rider is to take in his left hand as he mounts. But we know 
too little of ancient horsemanship to be able to explain how each was 

§ 3 — 8.] OF MOUNTING. 285 

3. It seems to us also very proper, in case a rider should 
happen to be leading his horse with his left hand, and to be 
holding his lance in his right, to practise mounting on the 
right side ; l but for this he has nothing more to learn, than 
to perform those movements with his left hand and foot which 
he had previously performed with his right. 4. We com- 
mend such readiness in mounting for this reason, that the rider, 
as soon as he is seated on the horse, is in every way prepared 
for action, if it should be necessary to encounter an enemy on 
a sudden. 

5. When he has taken his seat, whether on the horse's bare 
back or on the cloth, 2 we do not like that he should sit as if he 
were on a carriage seat, but as if he were standing upright 
with his legs somewhat apart ; 3 for thus he will cling more 
firmly to the horse with his thighs, and, keeping himself erect, 
he will be able to throw a javelin or to strike a blow on 
horseback, if it be necessary, with greater force. 

6. But it is necessary to allow the leg, as well as the foot, 
to hang loose from the knee ; for if a rider keep his leg stiff, 
and strike it against anything, it may be broken ; but if the leg 
hangs easy, and anything strikes against it, it will yield, and 
yet not move the thigh from its position. 

7. A rider should also accustom himself to keep the parts 
of his body above the hips as flexible as possible ; for he will 
by this means be better able to exert himself, and if any person 
should drag or push him, he will be less likely to be thrown off. 

8. Let it be observed, too, that when he is seated on the 
horse's back, he must first teach the horse to stand quiet, until 
he has drawn up his mantle, 4 if necessary, and adjusted the 
reins, and taken hold of his lance in such a way as it may most 
conveniently be carried. Then let him keep his left arm 

1 Another gem, in the same collection, gives us the figure of a soldier 
standing by a horse in the attitude of a man going to mount him on 
the right side; and there are many other ancient impressions which 
show the same thing. Berenger. 

2 'E-ttI tov l0i7T7riou.] It is to be remembered that the Greeks, instead 
of saddles, used cloths or housings, and the lower sort often rode without 
any. Berenger. 

* That is, not as he would sit in a chair, but upon his twist or fork. 
4 'TCTToairaffijrcti.] Dum vestem subduxerit sive compomerit. Weiske, 


close to his side ; for in such an attitude a rider appears most 
graceful, 1 and his hand has the greatest power. 

9. As to reins, we approve of such as are equally 
balanced, and not weak, or slippery, or too thick, so that the 
hand which holds them may be able also to hold the spear 
when it is necessary. 

10. When the rider gives the signal to the horse to start, 
let him begin to advance at a walking pace, as this pace is 
least likely to disturb the horse. Let him hold the reins, if 
the horse is inclined to hold down his head, rather high ; but 
if he is more disposed to carry it erect, let him keep them 
lower, for thus he will best set off the horse's figure, n. 
After a little, if he trots at his natural pace, 2 he will find 
his limbs become pliant without inconvenience, and will come 
with the greatest readiness to obey the whip. 3 Since, too, it 

1 EucTaXloTaroc.] Hie enim gestus equitem maxime decet. Leuncla- 

2 AvTotyvr}.] Sc. dpofiov. WeisJce. 

3 Ee'c to kTripafi§o(popiTv ijSktt* av d<piKvoiro.'] 'E7ripa/3<5o0OjOt73 
rev 'linrov, says Pollux, i. 220, is el tiq uq dpdfiov daiKavvoi, " wheit 
the rider animates the horse to speed with his whip or switch." Kuht 
renders the words virgd manibus prcelatd equo ad cursum signum dare. 
In like manner Sophocles has used the verb kiriodeiv. Sauppe. Sturz 
interprets the word, in his Lexicon, virgd instigare ad cursum. But it 
must he taken in a neuter sense in this passage. " Obeir aux avertisse- 
ments de la verge." Gail. " To be exerted and animated with the 
whip." Berenger. Donaldson, in his "New Cratylus," p. 224, says that 
t7ripaf3do<pop€lv is " to gallop," that is, to strike the ground alternately 
with the fore and hind feet, from " the primary idea in pafidog," which 
is that of "beating" or "striking." The word may imply galloping, 
and there is little doubt that it does, but hardly for the reason which Dr 
Donaldson gives ; for, in that case what would be the use oityopeTv in the 
word ? The primary and proper meaning of a verb, compounded of the 
three elements in eiripa(38o(popuv would seem to be, when used in a neuter 
sense, " to endure the switch so as to hasten forward." The horses o 
some of the ancient nations were guided wholly by the rod or switch 
without bit or bridle. Thus the Massylians are described in Lucan, iv. 682, 

Et gens, qure nudo residens Massylia dorso, 
Ora levi flectit, frsenorum nescia, virga. 

Massylia's nimble horsemen ride ; 

They nor the bit, nor curbing rein provide, 

But with light rods the well-taught coursers guide. R&ioe 

Strabo speaks of their horsemanship in similar terms, xvii. 3. So Sihu 

Italicvs, i. 215: 

Nomades, gens inscia frami; 
Queis inter geminas per ludum mobilis aures 
Quadrupcdem flectit non cedens virga lupatxs 

§ 12—15.] op riding. 287 

is the most approved practice to set off towards the left side, 
the horse will most readily start on that side, 1 if, when he lifts, 
as he is trotting, his right foot, 2 the rider then give him the 
signal to gallop. 12. For, being then about to raise the left 
foot, he will thus start with that foot ; and just at the mo- 
ment that the rider turns him to the left, he will make the 
first spring 3 in his gallop ; for a horse, when he is turned to 
the right, naturally leads off with the right foot, and when 
turned to the left, with the left foot. 

13. As to the mode of exercising a horse, we approve of 
that which is called the pede, A for it accustoms a horse to be 
turned by both sides of his mouth ; and it is good to change 
the direction of his course, that both sides may receive equal 
stress in the different directions. 14. We approve, too, of a 
place of exercise of an oblong form, 5 in preference to the 
round ; for in the oblong the horse may be turned with the 
greater ease, when tired of going straight forward, and he 
will be exercised at once in running in a direct course and in 

15. It is proper also to pull in the rein 6 as the horse turns ; 

" The Nomades or Numidians, a nation ignorant of the rein, and whose 
horses the wand waved sportively over their ears directs with not less 
effect than the bit." We may accordingly suppose that by the Greeks 
the signal to gallop was given with the rod or switch. 

1 The meaning of this seems to be, that when the rider intends to 
go to the left, he should first turn a little to the right, in order to take a 
compass, and turn the horse to the left with more freedom and grace. 

2 "Ottots avafiaivoi T(p 8e£i(p.] Cum dextrum pedem anteriorem equua 
tollit. 'Avafictiveiv t<$ 8e%i({i is the same as aipeiv rbv dt^iov. Weiske. 
Sauppe reads fpfiaivoi, a conjecture of Hermann's. 

• Tr)g £7rtcrKsXi(7ea>c av apxoiroJ] Xenophon calls the beginning of 
the movement of the feet kiria KsXrjtjig. Pollux, i. 214. Dindorf and 
others write e7rioKe\i<rig. With ap%otro, says Sauppe, understand Itti- 

4 See note on c. 3, sect 5. 

5 Tr) eTipo/xriKri 7re8r)v.~\ Pedicam altera parte longiorem, potius quhm 
rotundam. Leunclavius. But in what sense he used the word pedicam is 
not apparent. Liddell and Scott, in their Lexicon, say that an oblong 
place of exercise is meant, and this acceptation agrees very well with the 
proper signification of the word tTi.po\ir\K-r\g, and with the sequel of the 
passage. A tTepofirjicng number is one that is produced by the multipli- 
cation of vwo unequal factors, and is opposed to laoTtXevpog. Plato. 
Theast. c. xiv. 

6 " To pull the horse in and support him." Berenger 


for it is not easy for a horse, nor safe, when going fast, to turn 
in a small space, 1 especially if the ground be rough 2 or slip- 
pery. 16. But at the time that the rider pulls him in, he 
ought to sway the horse as little as possible with the bit, and 
to sway himself also as little as possible; for if he sways 
himself much, he may be well assured that a very small im- 
pulse will be sufficient to stretch both him and his horse on 
the ground. 

■ 17. When the horse, after having turned, looks straight be- 
fore him, the rider should then excite him to greater speed ; 3 
for it is plain that turnings are made in war either for pur- 
suing or retreating, and hence it is good to accustom a horse, 
after he has turned, to increase his speed. 

18. Also, when the horse appears to have been sufficiently 
exercised, it is useful, after having let him rest a while, to 
excite him on a sudden to his utmost speed, as well away from 
the other horses as towards them; and, after he has been put to 
his speed, to let him rest somewhere as near as possible, 4 and, 
when he has stood still awhile, to wheel him about and urge 
him again to a gallop ; for it is certain that occasions will 
offer when he will have need to practise both. 

19. But when it is time to dismount, the rider should 
never alight either among other horses, or amidst a concourse 
of people, or beyond the exercise ground; but in the place 
where the horse is obliged to exert himself, there let him also 
begin to rest. 


How a horse is to be taught to leap. How he is to be prepared for military 


1. Since there will be occasions when the horse •vill have 
to run up and down sloping and hilly grounds, and along the 

1 That is, to turn short. 

2 'Ait6kqotov.~] Generally interpreted " rough " or " rugged." Weiske 
thinks that it here means " steep," " sloping." 

* This mode of working a horse is called by the French writers the 
JLnvie cl'aller, and is most useful. Berenger. 

* That is, as near as possible to the other horses. Weiske. 

§ 2 — 5.] OP LEAPING AND RIDING. 289 

sides of hills, when he will have to leap over obstacles,, and 
to spring up and down, the rider must train and exercise both 
himself and his horse completely in all these manoeuvres ; 
for thus they will be likely to contribute more to the safety 
and advantage of each other. 2. If any one thinks that we 
are merely repeating ourselves, because we now make men- 
tion of the same things that we mentioned before, 1 let him 
understand that this is not a repetition ; for we then exhorted 
a horseman, when he purchased a horse, to try whether the 
animal could perform such exercises ; but now we say that he 
must teach his own horse, and are going to prescribe how he 
must teach him. 

3. He that has got a horse utterly inexperienced in leaping 
over ditches must, after slackening the leading-rein, go over 
the ditch first, and must then pull him on with the rein, that 
he may take the leap. 4. If he will not leap, another person 
must take a whip or a switch, and apply it on him smartly, 
when he will not only leap over the required space, but much 
further than is necessary ; and afterwards there will be no 
need to strike him, for if he only sees some one coming be- 
hind him, he will leap. 

5. When he has thus been trained to leap, let the rider mount 
him, and take him first to small, and then to larger ditches. 
Just as he is going to leap, let the rider touch him with the 
spur. Let him spur him, too, when he is teaching him to leap 
up and down from any height ; for if the horse does all these 
things with an impulse 2 of his whole body, he will do them 
with more safety to himself and his rider than if his hinder 
parts lag either in leaping over an object or in springing up 
or down. 

6. To make him go down steep places, we must begin to 
train him on soft ground ; and at length, when he is accus- 
tomed to this, he will run much more readily down a slope 
than up it. As to what some people fear, that horses will 
dislocate their shoulders in being ridden down steep places, 
let them be under no apprehension, when they are told that 
the Persians and the Odrysse all ride as fast as they can down 
steep hills, and yet have horses not less sound than those of 
the Greeks. 

1 C. iii. sect. 7. 
* To which the spur will incite him. 



7. Nor will we omit to mention how the rider must accom- 
modate himself to each of these particular circumstances ; for 
he ought, when his horse suddenly raises himself for a leap, 
to lean forward (since by that means the horse will feel less 
pressure on his hinder parts, 1 and will be less likely to shake 
the rider), and, as he pulls in the reins when the horse alights, 
he must throw himself back, for he will thus be less jolted. 

8. As the horse is leaping over a ditch, or stretching up an 
ascent, it is well for the rider to take hold of the mane, 2 that 
the horse may not be oppressed by the difficulty of the ground 
and by the bit at the same time ; but in going down a declivity, 
he should hold himself back, and support the horse with the 
bridle, that himself and his horse may not be carried headlong 
down the slope. 

9. It is right, also, to exercise the horse sometimes in one 
place and sometimes in another, sometimes for a longer an 1 
sometimes for a shorter period ; for this will be less disagree- 
able to the horse than to be always exercised in the same 
place and for the same length of time. 

10. Since it is necessary, too, for him who rides his horse 
at full speed over all sorts of ground to be able to sit firmly 
on him, and to know how to use his arms on horseback dex- 
terously, the practice of horsemanship in hunting is to be 
commended, where the country is favourable, and wild beasts 
to be found; but where these conveniences do not offer them- 
selves, it is a good sort of exercise for two horsemen to make 
such an arrangement as this : that the one is to retreat over 
ground of a varied character, and, as he flees, is to turn about 
from time to time and present his spear, while the other is to 
pursue, carrying javelins blunted with balls, and a spear pre- 
pared in the same manner; and whenever the pursuer comes 
within a javelin's throw of the pursued, he is to discharge his 
blunted javelins at him, and, whenever he gets within the 
stroke of a spear, to strike him as he is overtaken. 

1 'Hrrov civ v-rrodvoi 6 "nnrog.~\ The horse will sink down less be- 
hind. 'YttoSvsiv is clorso subsidere, as Schneider observes. 

2 Whatever notions the Greeks might have of this method, and al- 
though it is prescribed by Xenophon, it seems to be flatly against truth 
and the principles of the art ; for the bridle, instead of being an encum- 
brance to the horse, will be of great assistance, if seasonably and judi- 
ciously used, and, by guiding and supporting, will prevent him from 
failing. Berenger. 

§ 11 — 14.J OF LEAPING AND RIDING. 291 

11. It is well for a horseman, also, if he close with an ene- 
my, to pull his enemy towards him, and then suddenly push 
him away; for this treatment is likely to unhorse him. On 
the other hand, it is well for him who is thus dragged to urge 
his horse forward ; for by this means he is more likely to 
throw off his antagonist than to fall off himself. 

12. If, on any occasion, when two camps are pitched opposite, 
the cavalry ride out against one another, and one party pur- 
sue their adversaries close up to their main body, and then 
retreat to their own, it is good for a rider to know that in 
such circumstances, as long as he is near his friends, it is 
right and safe to wheel about among the foremost, and charge 
the enemy at full speed 1 ; but he must take care, as he comes 
close upon them, to have his horse under control ; for, by act- 
ing with such caution, he will be in the best condition, as is 
probable, to injure the enemy and to escape injury from 

13. The gods have enabled men to teach other men by 
speech what they ought to do. As for a horse, it is certain 
that you can teach him nothing by speech ; but if, when he 
does what you wish, you gratify him in some way in return, 
and, when he is disobedient, make him feel punishment, he 
will thus effectually learn to obey you in what is required of 
him. 14. This we may express, indeed, in a few words, 
but it should influence us throughout all our treatment of 
horses ; for a horse will more readily take the bit, if, when 
he has taken it, something pleasant results to himself ; and he 
will leap across ditches, and jump over obstacles, and comply 
with our wishes in all other respects, if he looks forward, 
when he has done what is required of him, to some in- 

1 As they wheel round, it will be proper for him to be among the 
foremost to charge the enemy. It will be proper for him to be in 
the rear when his party is retreating, and to be consequently foremost 
when they turn about to make a charge. 



How fierce and high-mettled horses are to be managed. 

1. The directions which I have given show how a person 
may hest avoid being deceived in purchasing a colt or a full- 
grown horse ; how he is least likely to spoil him in putting 
him to use, more especially if he would produce a horse having 
all the qualities that a horseman requires for war. But per- 
haps it is now proper to state how a rider, if he ever happen 
to have a horse excessively fiery, or excessively sluggish, may 
treat either of them with the most success. 

2. In the first place, then, he ought to know that spirit in a 
horse is what anger is in a man ; and as a person who should 
neither say nor do anything annoying to a man would be 
least likely to anger him, so the rider that does nothing to vex 
a high-spirited horse will be least likely to provoke him. 
3. Accordingly he must be careful, even from the very time 
that he mounts such a horse, not to discompose him as he 
takes his seat ; and when he is fairly seated, he should allow 
him to stand quiet for a longer time than a horse of ordinary 
spirit, 1 and then direct him to go forward with the gentlest 
possible intimations. Beginning to proceed, too, at the slow- 
est pace, he should bring him into a quicker one, in such a 
manner, that the horse may be as little sensible as possible 
that he is accelerating his course. 4. But whatever a rider 
requires a spirited horse to do suddenly, the unexpected sights, 
or sounds, or sensations, consequent upon it, annoy him, as they 
would annoy a passionate man ; and it is necessary to bear in 
mind that everything sudden produces perplexity in a horse. 
5. If therefore you wish to rein in a spirited horse when he is 
going faster than is necessary, you must not check him sud- 
denly, but pull him in with the bridle gently, coaxing, and 
not forcing him, to slacken his pace. 

6. Long rides in a direct course, too, soothe horses more 
than frequent short turnings ; and long gentle rides also soft- 
en and tame, and do not exasperate, the high-mettled horse. 

1 "H rbv tTnrvxovTct.] Than an ordinary or eve*y-day horse, one 
$f less spirit and fire. Weisk* 


7. But if any one imagines that if he rides at a hard pace for a 
long distance, he v/ill render his horse gentle by fatiguing him, 
he supposes what is quite contrary to experience ; for a high- 
spirited horse, in such circumstances, uses his utmost en- 
deavours to get the better by force and with anger, like an 
angry man, and often does irreparable mischief both to him- 
self and to his rider. 

8. It is proper also to check a high-mettled horse from gal- 
loping at full speed, and to abstain altogether from matching 
him with other horses ; for horses that grow fond of contending 
against others become also the most refractory. 

9. Smooth bits are more eligible for such a horse than 
rough. If a rough bit be used, we ought to assimilate it tc 
a smooth one by keeping it slack. 1 It is well, too, for the 
rider to accustom himself to sit quiet on a fiery-spirited horse, 
and to touch him as little as possible with anything else 2 be- 
sides those parts of the body with which we necessarily touch 
him in order to sit secure. 

io. A rider should know, also, that it is a rule to moderate 
a horse's pace with a sort of whistle, and to urge him forward 
with a clucking sound ; yet that if a person should from the 
first move him to gentle exertions with a clucking sound, and to 
more difficult efforts with a whistle, he would learn to quicken 
his pace at the whistle, and to moderate it at the cluck. 

n. Likewise, when a shout is raised, or a trumpet sounded, 
a person should not appear to a horse to be at all disturbed, 
or approach him with anything that may alarm him, but 
should, under such circumstances, use his utmost efforts to 
pacify him, and, if convenient, should bring him his morning 
or evening feed. 

12. It is a very judicious piece of advice, too, not to pur- 
chase a very high-mettled horse for service in war. As to a 
sluggish horse, it appears to me sufficient to observe, that a 
rider must treat him in a manner quite contrary to that in 
which we recommend him to treat a horse of high spirit. 

1 This observation is most just. It is from the manner of managing 
them alone that bits are easy or severe to the mouth of the horse ; other 
wise, as the Duke of Newcastle says, the bit-makers would be the best 
horsemen. Berenger. 

2 We should not touch him, for instance, with the spear or javelin. 

294 on H0ftS::-\rANSHii\ [ck. 10 


Of the proper management of the hit and bridle. 

i. But whoever would desire to have a horse serviceable 
for war, and at the same time of a stately and striking figure 
to ride, must abstain from pulling his mouth with the bit, and 
from spurring and whipping him ; practices which some 
people adopt in the notion that they are setting their horses 
off; but they produce a quite contrary effect from that which 
they intend. 2. For by drawing the mouths of their horses 
up, they blind them when they ought to see clearly before 
them, and they frighten them so much by spurring and strik- 
ing them, that they are confused and run headlong into 
danger ; acts which distinguish such horses as are most averse 
to being ridden, and as conduct themselves improperly and 
unbecomingly. 3. But if a rider teach his horse to go with 
the bridle loose, to carry his neck high, and to arch it from 
the head onwards, he would thus lead him to do everything 
in which the animal himself takes pleasure and pride. 

4. That he does take pleasure in such actions, we see suf- 
ficient proof ; for whenever he approaches other horses, and 
especially when he comes to mares, he rears his neck aloft, 
bends his head gallantly, throws out his legs with nimbleness, 
and carries his tail erect. 5. When a rider, therefore, can 
prompt him to assume that figure which he himself assumes 
when he wishes to set off his beauty, he will thus exhibit his 
steed as taking pride in being ridden, and having a magnificent, 
noble, and distinguished appearance. 

By what means we consider that such results maybe attained, 
we will now endeavour to show. 6. First of all, then, it is 
necessary for a rider to have not less than two bits ; and of 
these let one be smooth, and have rings of a moderate size; 1 
and let the other have rings that are heavy, and hang lower down, 
with sharp points; 2 in order that, when the horse takes the latter 
into his mouth, he may be offended with its roughness, and 
consequently let it go, but when he finds it exchanged for the 

1 Julius Pollux (I. 184) mentions these orbs or rings ; and our olive 
bits seem to resemble them. Berenger. 

3 'JL%ivovQ, points like the prickles •an the back of a hedge-hog. 


other, he may be pleased with its smoothness ; and that what- 
ever he has been trained to do with the rough bit, he may do 
also with the smooth. 7. But if, from making light of it for 
its smoothness, he press upon it frequently with his teeth, 1 we 
in that case add large rings to the smooth bit, that, being 
compelled by them to open his mouth, he may let go the bit. 
But it is possible to vary the rough bit in every way, by re- 
laxing or tightening it. 

8. But whatever sorts of bits are used, let them all be yield- 
ing ; for as to a stiff bit, wherever a horse seizes it, he has 
the whole of it fast between his teeth, as a person, when he 
takes up a spit, wherever he lays hold of it, raises up the 
whole. 9. But the other sort of bit is similar to a chain ; for 
of whatever part of it a person takes hold, that part alone re- 
mains unbent, but the rest hangs down. But as the horse is 
always catching at the part which escapes him in his mouth, 
he drops the bit out of his jaws ; and to remedy this incon- 
venience rings 2 are suspended by the middle from the two 
parts of the bit, 3 that while he catches at these with his 
tongue and his teeth, he may omit to seize the bit between 
his jaws. 4 

10. In case any one should be ignorant what flexibility, and 
rigidity, in a bit are, we will explain the terms ; for a bit is 
flexible when the two parts of it have broad and smooth 
joints, so as to be easily bent ; and everything that is applied 
about these two parts, if it fit loosely, and not with a close 

1 'kTnpudi]rai Iv airy!.] The sense of the verb is doubtful. Zeune 
and Sturz take it in the signification which I have given it. 

2 We have a small chain in the upset, or hollow part of our bits, called 
a player, with which the horse playing with his tongue, and rolling it 
about, keeps his mouth moist and fresh. And, as Xenophon hints, it may 
serve likewise to fix his attention, and prevent him from writhing his 
mouth about, or, as the French call it, " faire ses forces." Berenger. 

3 'Eic tu>v a%6vh)v.] Weiske agrees with Scheffer, de Re Militari, p. 161, 
that these d%6veg were the two portions of which the bit was formed, being 
the same as (jrojxia, two oro/ua forming one %a\io/6c. He supposes that 
they were called a£ovsg because the rings were suspended upon them. 
The words o! d%ovsg occur in the next section, where Gail renders them, 
" les deux branches." 

4 ' AvaXccfifiaveiv Trpoc rag yvdOovg rbv x a ^ l vov.~] "■ Prendre le mors 
aux dens." Gail. The words trgbg rag yvdQovg occur in the preceding 
section. I have given them in both places that sense which the drift of the 
passage seems to require 


grasp, conduces to flexibility; but if every part of the bi* 
opens and closes with difficulty, it is to be called hard. 

11. But whatever sort of bit is used, the rider must do 
everything with it in the manner which I have stated, if he 
wishes to make his horse such as has been described. 12. He 
must pull up the mouth of the horse neither too severely, so as 
to provoke him to shake himself free from it, nor too gently, 
so that he may be insensible to it. But when, on pulling him 
up, he raises his neck, the rider must immediately give him the 
bridle. In other respects, too, as we do not cease to repeat, 
he must, whenever the horse has acquitted himself well, show 
him some indulgence. 13. When he perceives that the horse 
is pleased with carrying his head aloft, and with the looseness 
of the rein, he should then put him to nothing disagreeable, 
as if he would force him to exert himself, but should coax 
him, as if he wished him to be at ease ; for thus he will feel 
greatly encouraged, and will advance of his own accord at a 
swift pace. 

14. That a horse delights in going fast, there is sufficient 
proof; for no horse, on getting loose, goes off at a slow pace, 
but runs. With this speed he is naturally delighted, provided 
we do not compel him to run longer than is reasonable ; for 
nothing whatever, immoderately protracted, is agreeable to 
either horse or man. 

15. When the horse was brought to perform his exercise 
with grace, he was trained by us, 1 we know, in the early 
part of his practice, to advance at full speed after sundry turns. 
But if any rider, when his horse has learned to do this, 
should rein him in, and give him at the same time a signal to 
hasten forward, the horse, being at once checked by the bridle, 
and incited to speed by the signal, will advance his chest, and 
lift his legs higher in anger, but not with ease ; for horses, 
when they are annoyed, will assuredly not use their legs with 
greater agility and grace. 16. But if when he is thus ani- 
mated, the rider gives him the bridle, he will then, from de- 
light at supposing himself, on account cf the looseness of the 
bit, freed from its restraint, bound forward with exultation, 
in a noble attitude, and with an easy motion of his limbs, and 
expressing in every gesture the grace with which he approaches 

1 In allusion to c. 7, sect. 17. 


other horses. 17. Persons who view such a horse pronounce 
him noble-spirited, prompt for action, fit for military exercise, 
high-mettled, superb, and at once pleasing and formidable to 

If any one desires such qualities in a horse, let what we 
have so far written serve as instructions for him. 


Of teaching a horse his paces. How to make him assume showy attitudes. 

i. But if a person wishes to possess a horse that is fit for 
processions, and of lofty and magnificent bearing, such qualities 
are not to be found in every horse, for he must be one that is 
of a noble spirit and strong frame. 

2. But what some suppose, that a horse which has supple- 
ness of leg will also be able to rear his body high, is not the 
case ; the truth rather is, that it must be a horse which has 
flexible, short, and strong loins (we do not mean the part by 
the tail, but that which is between the ribs and the haunches, 
at the belly), for such a horse will be able to extend his hind- 
er legs far forward under him. 3. If a rider, then, when the 
horse has his hind legs thus under him, should pull him up 
with the bridle, he rests his hinder parts on his heels, and 
rears up the fore part of his body, so that his belly is seen by 
those in front of him. But when he does this, it is proper to 
give him the bridle, that he may assume of his own accord the 
attitudes most graceful in a horse, and appear to the spectators 
to do so. 

4. There are people who teach horses thus to rise, some by 
striking them on the fetlocks with a stick, some by directing a 
man, who runs at the side for that purpose, to hit them on the 
upper part of the legs. 1 5. We however consider it the best 
mode of instruction, as we are perpetually saying, that when 
ever a horse acts agreeably to the wishes of his rider, it should 

1 This method stands justified by the practice of modern horsemen 


follow that he receive some indulgence from him. 6. For what 
a horse does under compulsion, as Simo also observes, he does 
without understanding, and with no more grace than a dancer 
would display if a person should whip and spur him during 
his performance ; since both horse and man, when suffering, 
such treatment, would exhibit more ungraceful than graceful 
gestures. But the rider ought to teach a horse by signs to 
assume of his own accord all his most beautiful and showy 
attitudes. 7. If, then, when he is exercised, he be ridden till 
he is quite in a perspiration, and the rider, as soon as he raises 
himself gracefully, dismounts and unbridles him, he may feel 
assured that the horse will always be ready to rear himself of 
his own accord. 

8. It is upon horses of this kind that gods and heroes are 
painted riding, and men who are able to manage them skil- 
fully are regarded as deserving of admiration. 9. So extremely 
beautiful, and admirable, and noble a sight is a horse that bears 
himself superbly, that he fixes the gaze of all who see him, both 
young and old ; no one, indeed, leaves him, or is tired of con- 
templating him, as long as he continues to display his magni- 
ficent attitudes. 1 

io. If it should ever happen to the possessor of such a 
horse to be a phylarch 2 or hipparch, 2 he ought not to 
make it his study that he alone may enjoy distinction, but 
rather that all the cavalry under his command may be de- 
serving of admiration, n. Should such a horse precede the 
rest, [as people esteem such horses most,] 3 one that, as he 
advances, rears himself very high and very frequently, it is 
plain that the other horses would follow him at a slow pace ; 
but what striking attraction could there be in such a specta- 
cle ? 12. If, however, while you animate your steed, you lead 
neither with too great quickness nor with too great slowness, 
but just as horses appear most lively and formidable, and best 
adapted for exertion, if, I say, you precede the other horses in 
this manner, the march of the whole troop will be uniform, 
and even the very neighing and snorting of the horses will be 

1 This attitude is known to modern horsemen by the term pesade. 

2 Commanders of cavalry. 

3 Schneider supposes the words in brackets to be a gloss that has crept 
into the text. 

§ 1 — 5.] OF THE RIDER'S ARMOUR. 299 

in concert, so that not only the commander himself, but the 
whole troop, will present an admirable spectacle. 

13. If a person be fortunate in purchasing horses, and bring 
them up to be able to endure fatigue, and train them properly, 
not only in exercises for war, but in manoeuvres for parade, 
and in service in the field, what can prevent him, unless some 
god be adverse to his endeavours, from rendering his horses of 
far greater value than they were when be took them under 
his care, or from having not only estimable horses, but being 
himself greatly admired for his skill in the art of horseman- 
ship ? 


Of a horseman's armour and arms. 

i. We wish also to show how he should be armed who pr^ 
pares to encounter danger on horseback. 

In the first place, then, we say that his coat of mail should 
be made to suit his body ; because the whole of the body sup- 
ports one that fits well, but the shoulders only support one that 
is too loose ; and one that is too tight is a prison, and not a 
coat of defence. 2. Since the neck, too, is one of the vital 
parts, we think that a covering should be made for it of the 
same shape with the neck, rising from the coat of mail ; for it 
will not only be an ornament, but, if it be made as it ought to 
be, will cover the face of the rider, if he wishes, up to the 

3. As for the helmet, we consider that which is of Boeotian 
manufacture to be the best ; for it protects most effectually 
all the parts above the corslet, and yet does not prevent the 
wearer from seeing. 

The coat of mail, again, should be made in such a way that 
it may not prevent the horseman from sitting or stooping. 
4. About the abdomen, too, and the parts below and around, 
there should be skirts of such a description and size as to pro- 
tect the limbs. 

5. Since, also, if the left hand should be hurt, it disables 
the rider, we recommend the armour which has been invented 


for it, and which is called the hand; for it protects the shoulder, 
the upper part of the arm, the elbow, and the portion of the 
arm next to the bridle, and can be either expanded or con- 
tracted ; and it also covers the part under the arm which is 
left unguarded by the coat of mail. 

6. The right hand a rider must raise, when he wishes either 
to hurl a weapon or to strike a blow. Whatever portion of 
the coat of mail, therefore, would obstruct it, must be removed ; 
and if in its place a sort of flaps with joints be put, they will, 
when the arm is raised, unfold at the same time, and, when it 
is let down, will close. 

7. As to the right arm, that sort of defence which is put on 
it like greaves on the leg appears to us to be better adapted 
for protecting it than that which is attached to the coat of 
mail ; and the part of the arm which is exposed when the 
right hand is lifted up must be defended near the coat of 
mail, with a covering made of calf's skin or of brass ; other- 
wise it will be left unguarded in a most dangerous place. 

8. Since, too, if the horse is disabled, the rider will be in 
extreme peril, it is necessary to arm the horse also with de- 
fences for his head, his breast, and his shoulders ; for these 
assist likewise in guarding the rider's thighs. But of all parts 
of the horse we take most care to protect his belly, for it is at, 
once a most vital and a most defenceless part ; but it is pos- 
sible to protect it by something connected with the housings. 1 

9. It is necessary, too, that that which covers the horse's 
back should be put together in such a way that the rider may 
have a firmer seat,' 2 and that the back of the horse may not be 
galled. As to other parts, also, both horse and horseman 
should be armed with the same precaution. 3 

to. The legs and feet will naturally hang down below the 
covering of the thighs ; but these parts may be sufficiently 
protected, if a sort of boots be constructed for them of the 
leather of which sandals are made ; for such boots may be at 
once armour for the legs and shoes for the feet. 

li. Such is the armour that may prove, if the gods be pro- 
pitious, a defence against harm. But to inflict injury on an 

1 Avvarbv dk avv r<£ iQimreiu) avrbv <TKtTra.Gai.~\ " II est possible da 
couvrir les flancs, en ajoutant quelque chose a la selle." Gail. 

2 Than if he sat on the horse's bare back. 

3 So that the armour may not gall 

§ 12 — 14. J OF THE RIDER'S ARMOUR. 301 

enemy, we recommend the short curved sword rather than the 
long straight one ; for from a horseman, seated aloft, a blow 
from a scymitar will be more effective than one from a straight 
sword. 12. Instead of a reed-like spear, as it is weak and 
inconvenient to carry, we rather approve of two javelins of 
corneil wood ; for a skilful thrower may hurl one of these, 
and use the other against assailants either in front, or flank, 
or rear. 1 They are at once stronger than a spear, and more 
easily carried. 

13. We approve of the hurling of a javelin from a great 
distance ; for by that means more time is allowed for throw- 
ing it 2 and for taking another weapon. We shall intimate in 
a few words how the javelin may be hurled with the greatest 
effect. If the rider advance his left side, at the same time 
drawing back his right, and rising on his thighs, and launch 
his weapon with its point directed a little upwards, he will 
thus send it with the greatest force and to the greatest dis- 
tance ; and he will send it with the truest aim, if the point, aa 
it is discharged, is directed steadily to the mark. 

14. Let these admonitions, and instructions, and exercises 
be considered sufficient to be prescribed for a private individual. 
What it is proper for a commander of cavalry to know and to 
do, is set forth in another treatise. 

1 Dindorf retains in his text elg Tov/ixpoaOev, though Leunclavius and 
Zeune had shown the necessity of writing ToviriaOev. 

9 'Airo<jTpe\f/ai.'] If this word is genuine, I suppose that it means tor- 
gtcere or emittere, unless it is to be referred to the horse, eguum averizn 
ab hnate. Schneider. " Pour se detourner." Gail. 






The object of this treatise is to show how a commander of the 
Athenian cavalry may maintain them at the proper number ; how 
they may be suitably equipped ; and how he may employ them 
with the greatest efficiency. 

It is addressed to some one person. Camerarius supposes that 
it was written for the instruction of Xenophon's son Gryllus, who 
afterwards served in the Athenian cavalry, and whom, he thinks, 
his father wished to qualify for a commander. Weiske is inclined 
to favour Camerarius's opinion. 

There were two hipparchs, or chief commanders of the cavalry 
at Athens. 


Summary of the duties of a commander-in-chief of the cavalry, § 1 — 9. Kow 
he may keep his men and horses in an efficient and serviceable condition, 
and render the inferior officers well qualified for their duties, 10 — 26. 

1. First of all, it is incumbent on you to offer sacrifice, and 
to entreat the gods to grant you to think, and say, and do 
those things by which you may exercise your command most 
agreeably to them, and with the greatest pleasure, and honour, 
and benefit to yourself, your friends, and your country. 

2. When the gods are propitiated, you must prepare your 
cavalry, 1 taking care that the number 2 prescribed by law 

1 'AvafliQaareov p(v not iTnrka.Q.'] ' Ava€i/3a^eiv is here used for pa- 
rare, legere, constituere, " to prepare, choose, appoint." Weiske. 

2 Xenophon seems to mean a thousand; see c. 9, sect 3. This is the 


may be completed, and that the force previously enrolled may 
not be diminished ; for, unless new horsemen are added, 
the number will constantly grow less, as some must retire 
from old age, and some must fail from other causes. 

3. After the complement is made up, you must take care 
that the horses may be fed in such a way as to be able to en- 
dure exertion ; for horses that are too weak for their work 
will be unable either to overtake an enemy or to retreat. 
You must make it an object of your attention, too, that they 
may be fit for service ; for such as are unmanageable are 
an aid to the enemy rather than to their friends. 4. Such as kick 
when they are mounted, also, must be set aside ; for they often 
inflict more mischief on their own side than the enemy inflict. 
You must pay attention to their feet also, that they may be in 
a condition to be ridden even on rough ground, knowing that 
when they suffer from being ridden they become useless. 

5. When you have your horses in proper condition, you 
must next exercise your men ; in the first place, that they 
may be well able to vault on their horses, for by that means 
safety has been secured by many ; and in the second, that 
they may be qualified to ride over every kind of ground, as the 
enemy will be at different times in different places. 6. When 
they are able to sit firm, you must see that they exercise 
themselves, as much as possible, in throwing javelins on horse- 
back, and that they qualify themselves to do everything that 
cavalry ought to do. 

After this, you must arm both your horses and their riders 
in such a manner that they may be least likely to be wounded, 
and may be able to do the greatest possible harm to the 

7. In the next place, you must make it your care that your 
men may be obedient ; for without obedience there will be no 
profit either in good horses, or in firm-seated riders, or in 
fine arms. 

In regard to all these things, then, it is right that a com- 
mander of cavalry should give authoritative directions, in order 
that they may be properly done. 

. 8. But since the state, thinking it difficult for the com- 

number of knights, or persons of sufficient means to maintain a horse for 
the public service, mentioned by Aristophanes, Eq. 225. See Boeckh'a 
Pub. Econ. of Athens, vol. i. p. 352. 


niander of the cavalry to accomplish all these objects with- 
out assistance, appoints him the phylarchs 1 as coadjutors, and 
enjoins the senate to support him by giving their attention to 
the cavalry, it appears to me of great importance that you 
should prepare the phylarchs to study what is for the advan- 
tage of the cavalry as well as yourself, and that you should 
secure able speakers in the senate, who may, by their remarks, 
keep the cavalry in awe (for under the influence of fear they 
will attend to their duties better), and who may pacify the 
senate, should they show any unreasonable displeasure. 

9. These are suggestions as to the duties to which you 
must attend. How each of them may be best discharged I 
will now endeavour to show. 

Into the cavalry, then, it is evident that you must bring, 
according to the law, such of the citizens as are in the best 
condition as to pecuniary means and as to bodily strength, 
either by calling them before the judges or by persuading 
them. 10. Before the judges I think that you must summon 
those, whom if you were not to summon, you would be thought 
to abstain from doing so from regard to your interest ; for 
those of inferior means would at once have a ground of excuse, 
if you should forbear to coerce the most able first of all. 
n. As for the young, you seem likely, in my opinion, to 
animate them with a desire for cavalry service, if you enlarge 
to them on the opportunities for distinction in the cavalry ; and 
you will be likely to find less opposition from those 2 who have 
authority over them, if you represent to them that they will 
be obliged, if not by you, at least by some one else, 3 to main- 
tain a horse on account of their fortune ; 12. but that, if their 
sons engage in the cavalry under you, you will restrain them 
from expensive and unreasonable purchasing of horses, and 
will make it your care that they shall soon become able horse- 
men ; and while you say this, you must study to do it. 

13. As for those who are in the cavalry service at present, it 
appears to me that the senate, if they were to give notice that 
the equestrian exercise will in future be doubled, and that 

1 $v\dpxovg.'] The phylarchs were captains of tribes, of which, after 
the time of Cleisthenes, b. c. 510, there were ten at Athens. Comp. 
Xen. Hellen. iv. 2. 19. 

8 Their parents and guardians, as Brodaeus observes. 

8 By some succeeding hipparch, or ty the state. 

§ 14 — 18.] TRAINING OF HORSES AND MEN. 305 

they will reject the horses that cannot keep up with the others, 
would excite them to feed their horses better, and to pay them 
more attention, u. It seems to me very proper, also, that 
an announcement should be made that all unruly horses will 
be rejected ; for a threat of that kind would stimulate the 
owners of such horses to sell them, and purchase others with 
greater judgment. 15. It would be well, too, for notice to be 
given that horses apt to kick during exercise will be reject- 
ed ; for it is impossible to range horses of that description in 
proper order, and, whenever an advance is to be made upon 
the enemy, they will of necessity follow in the rear ; so that 
the rider may be rendered useless by the inefficiency of his 

16. For keeping the feet of the horses in the best condition, 1 
if any one has an easier and cheaper method than mine, let it 
be adopted ; if not, I recommend, from experience, that the 
horseman should scatter over the ground stones gathered from 
the road, of about a pound weight, more or less, and that he 
should keep the horse standing on such stones while he grooms 
him, and let him walk upon them whenever he goes out of the 
stable ; for thus the horse will be constantly moving his feet 
on the stones, as well when he is rubbed down as when he is 
annoyed by flies. He that makes trial of this suggestion 
will give credit to others which I shall offer, and will see the 
feet of his horse become firm. 2 

17. I shall next show how, when the horses are brought 
into the condition in which they ought to be, the riders may 
be best trained. The younger of them I should advise to learn 
to vault upon their horses ; and if you assign them a person to 
teach them, you will justly gain praise for doing so. The 
older you may accustom to be mounted with the aid of others, 
after the Persian manner, 3 and may thus be of great service 
to them. 18. To lead out the cavalry frequently, however, 
in order that they may be qualified to keep their seats on every 
sort of ground, may perhaps appear, when there is no war, 
somewhat troublesome ; but it will be proper to call the horse 

1 See the Treatise on Horsemanship, c. 4, sect. 5. 

8 '2Tpoyyv\ovg.~\ By this word is meant something similar to what ia 
signified by the Latin teres, round, smooth, of a proper shape, indicating 
firmness and strength. 

* See the Treatise on Horsemanship, c. 6, sect. 12. 



men together, and to advise them to exercise themselves, and 
then ride out into the country, or anywhere else, to quit the 
beaten road, and to gallop their horses over ground of all 
sorts ; for this will be of much the same use as to lead them 
out, and will cause them less annoyance. 19. It will be useful, 
to remind them, too, that the state supports an expenditure of 
nearly forty talents a year for the cavalry, in order that, if 
war arise, they may not have to seek cavalry, but may make 
use of that which they have at once, as being in proper con- 
dition ; for it is natural that the soldiers, reflecting on this 
expense, should apply to their exercise with greater diligence, 
in order that, if war should break out, they may not have to 
contend, without due preparation, for their country, for glory, 
an d for life. 

20. It will be well for you also to announce to the men, that 
you will take them out yourself on certain occasions, and will 
lead them over ground of every description. In exercises, too, 
for mock combats, it will be proper to lead them out to differ- 
ent places at different times ; for such charges will be more 
beneficial both to the riders and to their horses. 

21. As for javelin-throwing on horseback, the greatest 
number seem to me likely to be induced to practise it, if you give 
notice to the phylarchs that they will be required to lead out 
the javelin-throwers of their several tribes to exercise them- 
selves with the javelin ; for they will thus be induced by 
ambition, as is probable, to produce respectively as many 
javelin-throwers as possible for the service of the state. 

22. The phylarchs, too, appear to me likely to contribute 
most to the horsemen being well armed, if they be persuaded 
that it will be much more honourable, in the opinion of the 
state, that they should be adorned by the splendour of their 
several tribes than merely by their own equipments. 23. It is 
probable that they will not be difficult of persuasion as to such 
points, as they sought the command in their tribes from 
desire of distinction and honour ; and they will be able, too, 
to have their men armed according to law, without incurring 
any personal expense, by obliging them to equip themselves, 
as the law directs, out of their own pay. 

24. To render the men obedient, it is important to represent, 
in your addresses to them, how many advantages there are in 
submitting to orders j and it is of great effect to arrange things 


go in practice that the orderly may gain sometning by their 
good conduct, and the disorderly be in every respect the losers. 
25. But the strongest incitement to the phylarchs to be am- 
bitious to bring the men of their several tribes well equipped 
into the field appears to me to be, that you should adorn your 
staff-officers l about you with arms in the highest degree 
splendid, and oblige them to exercise themselves in throwing 
the javelin as frequently as possible, leading them yourself to 
trials of skill at that weapon, having previously acquired suf- 
ficient skill in throwing it yourself. 26. If any one could offer 
prizes, moreover, to the several tribes, for excellence in whatever 
is commonly practised by cavalry on public occasions, I think 
that such a proposal would have the greatest effect in excit- 
ing the Athenians in general to emulation. It is seen in the 
case of the choruses how much labour is endured, and how 
much money expended, to obtain very small prizes. You 
should take care, however, to secure judges by whom the can- 
didates will be best pleased to be pronounced conquerors. 


Of the order to be observed by the cavalry on different occasions. 

l. When your cavalry are well exercised in all these par- 
ticulars, they ought next to be taught a certain order, by 
observing which they may march in processions at the feast 
of the gods with the greatest precision, may perform their 
evolutions with the best effect, may fight, if it be necessary, 
with the greatest success, and may pursue their marches and 
make their way over obstacles with the utmost ease and the 
least possible confusion. What order they may adopt, so as 

1 Toiig a/xQi ah irpoSpofiovg.'] Weiske very properly supposes that 
these irpodpofioi were turma qucedam prcetoriana, a corps of officers whom 
the hipparchus might despatch with orders, or send on before him on 
any commission ; or they may have been so called because they rode be- 
fore the hipparch. They were distinct from the ttqocqoi mentioned in q. 
4, sect. 5. 

x l 2 

308 hippahchicus. [ch. 2. 

to be likely to accomplish these objects most effectually, I 
shall now endeavour to show. 

2. Distinct tribes, then, are appointed by the state. Among 
these I think that you ought first of all to appoint, with the 
approbation of each of the phylarchs, captains of ten, selected 
from the citizens in the vigour of youth, and such as are most 
ambitious to do something honourable and obtain praise. 
These you ought to place in the first rank in each ten. 3. In the 
next place, you ought to choose an equal number of the oldest 
and wisest, who may hold the last rank in the ten ; for, if I 
may illustrate my meaning by a comparison, iron penetrates 
into iron best when the fore part of the cutting instrument is 
strong, and the hinder part urged with competent force. 4. As 
to those who are placed in the middle between the first and 
the last, if the captains of the tens choose those who are to 
stand next to them, and the others choose others in like man- 
ner, it is likely that each will have a sufficiently trustworthy 
supporter. 5. For the leader of each tribe, 1 you ought by all 
means to appoint an able man ; for, if he is brave, he will, 
whenever he is to march against the enemy, inspire those in 
front with ardour by his exhortations ; or, if circumstances re- 
quire him to retreat, he will be more likely, by drawing off his 
troop judiciously, to preserve the men of his tribe. 6. If the 
captains of ten, again, are of an even number, 2 they will afford 
facilities for dividing them into more equal parts than if they 
be of an odd number. 

This arrangement pleases me for these reasons, that, in the 
first place, all those in the first rank are officers, and men 
when they are in command think it more incumbent on them to 
do something honourable than when they are mere privates ; 
and, secondly, that when anything is to be done, an order has 
far more effect when it comes, not from privates, but from 

7. When this order is established, then, as the place of the 
phylarchs, in which each of them is to ride, is appointed by 

1 Tbv a^rjyovfjLivav.'] Weiske considers that the phylarch is meant, anu 
Schneider agrees with him. 

2 Xenophon recommends that the number of the captains of ten shoulu 
be an even number, that it may be more easily divided into severa. 
smaller parts or numbers, to each of which some office or honour may be 
g&signed. Schneider 


the commander-in-chief, so the places for the captains of tens, 
where they are severally to march, must be appointed by the 
captains of tribes ;' for, when such appointments are made, 
things will be in far better order than if they run against 
one another, going wherever chance may lead them, like people 
coming out of a theatre. 8. Those in the first rank, too, will 
be more disposed to fight, if any opposition appear in front of 
them, when they know that the front is their proper place ; and 
those in the rear, if an enemy appears behind them, will be 
more ready to exert themselves, as they know that it will be a 
disgrace to them to leave their post. 9. But if they are without 
any regular order, they throw one another into confusion in 
denies and passages of rivers, and no one of his own accord 
takes a post in face of the enemy. 

All these particulars ought to be carefully studied by the 
cavalry universally, if they would be staunch supporters to 
their leader. 


Of the various exercises and evolutions of the cavalry. 

1. The following matters must be the business of the com- 
mander-in-chief alone. 1 First, that he may obtain favourable 
omens from the gods, on behalf of the cavalry, by offering 
sacrifices ; next, that he may render the processions, on festal 
occasions, worthy of being seen ; and, in addition, that he 
may exhibit whatever spectacles he has to produce for the 
public in the best possible manner, whether in the Academia, 
in the Lyceum, the Phaleron, 2 or the Hippodrome. The latter 
will form subjects for particular admonitions. But how each 
of these general divisions may be best ordered, I shall here 
attempt to show. 

2. As to the processions, then, I think that they may be 
rendered most acceptable, as well to the gods as to the specta- 

1 Awry.] In the sense of sol i, " alone." Weiske. 

2 Phaieion, or the Phaleron, was both a harbour, or dockyard, and a 
dermis of Athens. It is the harbour, says Sturz, that is meant here. 


tors, if, whatever deities have temples and statues in the forum, 
the cavalry should march round to those statues and temples, 
beginning with those of Hermes, and circumambulating the 
forum in honour of those deities. At the festival of Bacchus, 
the choruses offer homage, by their dancing, to other gods 
besides the twelve. When they have ridden round, and 
have come to the statues of Hermes again, it seems to me 
that it will be well for them to ride their horses at a quick 
pace from thence, one tribe after another, to the temple of 
Eleusinian Ceres. 

3. Nor will I omit to mention how their lances may be car- 
ried so as least to interfere one with another ; for each man 
should hold his lance between the ears of his horse, if the 
weapons are to look formidable and distinct, and at the same 
time to present the appearance of a multitude, 

4. When they have made an end of riding at a quick pace, 
it will be proper for them to ride steadily back, at the other 
pace, 1 by the same route as before, to the temples again ; and 
thus whatever manoeuvres are performed on mounted horses 
will have been fully displayed both to gods and men. 

5. That the cavalry are not accustomed to these perform- 
ances I am well aware ; but I think that they will be be- 
coming and attractive, and afford pleasure to the spectators. 
I find also that the cavalry have executed other new evolu- 
tions, when their commanders-in-chief were able to prevail on 
them to do what they wished. 

6. When they ride in the Lyceum, before they engage in 
throwing the javelin, it will be well for the tribes to ride 
five on each side with an extended front, 2 as if prepared for 
battle, with the commander-in-chief and the captains of the 
tribes at their head, in such array as to cover the whole 
breadth of the course. i. But when they have passed the ex- 
tremity 3 of the theatre opposite to them, 4 I think it will be a 
fine sight, if you show that the cavalry can ride at a quick 
pace down the steep, as many abreast as is suitable for the 
ground. 8. Nor am I ignorant that they will perform this 

1 T>)v aWrjv.] Understand dtsXaaiv. Schneider. 

2 'E7ri tov fitTonrov.'] With the front of each troop much extended, the 
depth being very small. Zeune. . 

8 To KE<pa\aiov.~\ " L'extremite." Gail. 
* As they come out of the Lyceum. Sauppe. 

§ 9 — 12.] PUBLIC EXHIBITIONS. 311 

duty with the greatest pleasure, if they but feel confident that 
they will be able to ride fast ; but if they remain unexercised 
in this respect, you will have to take care lest the enemy may 
at some time force them to practise it. 

9. The order has now been stated 1 in which, in the exercises 
for approval, 2 the cavalry may ride with the best effect. But 
Jf the leader, provided that he have a strong horse, constantly 
rides round about 3 on the outside rank, he will thus continu- 
ally ride at a quick pace himself, and those who are on the 
outside with him will ride at a quick pace in their turn, so 
that the senate 4 will always have before them the portion 
which is advancing rapidly, and the horses will not be wearied, 
as they will rest in succession. 

10. But when the exhibition is to be made in the hippo- 
drome, it will be well to arrange the cavalry, at first, in such a 
manner that they may cover the hippodrome with the extent 
of their line, and clear all the people from the midst of it. 

11. It will be proper, too, when the tribes in the mock com- 
bats 5 pursue and flee from one another at full speed, and 
when the officers are at the head of the five tribes, 3 that the 
tribes on either side should ride through the spaces between 
the other tribes ; for in such a spectacle, when they ride front 
to front against each other, there is something that produces 
awe, and something imposing when, after having ridden over 
the hippodrome, they assume a position facing one another ; 
and it is a noble sight, when, at the next sound of the trum- 
pet, they ride towards one another with increased speed. 

12. When they have come to a stand again, they must rush 
a third time, at the sound of the trumpet, towards one another 
at their utmost speed ; and, when they have ridden their course, 
they must, to bring the spectacle to a conclusion, form in one 

1 I suppose in c. 2. Weiske. 

2 'Ex> raTg SoKinaaiaie.'] " Aux evolutions d'epreuve " Gail. There 
was a law at Athens, that if any one put himself into the cavalry 
adoKificMTTOQ, " without having been approved," he incurred dri/i/a. 
Schneider gives this on the authority of Lysias, p. 523. 

3 So as to -be aometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other. 

4 These exercises were performed in sight of the senate. See sect. 12. 

5 'Bv raiQ av9nrTcujiaiQ.~\ I give Jne sense which Hesychius and 
Suidas assign to this word. 

• Como. sect. 6 

312 IIIPPAKCHICUS. [ch 4, 

body, and, as is your custom, ride forwards towards the senate, 
13. Such evolutions would appear to me to present something 
more warlike, and something more novel, than is usual ; but 
for a commander-in-chief to ride slower than the captains of 
tribes, or to manoeuvre exactly in the same manner as they, is 
unbecoming his office. 

14. When you have to exhibit the cavalry in the Academia, 
however, on hard ground, 1 I would offer the following hints 
for your observation : that the men, to secure themselves from 
falling off their horses, should lean back as they ride, and 
that, to prevent the horses from falling, they should keep up 
their heads with the bridle whenever they wheel round. 
When they ride straight forward, however, they ought to 
ride at a quick pace, for thus the senate will have before them 
an exhibition free from danger and of great attraction. 


Of the mode of marching in time of war, § 1 — 5. How to act cautiously 
and efficiently with a small force, 6 — 20. 

l. On marches, the commander of cavalry ought constantly 
to consider how he may give rest to the backs of his horses, 
and afford relief to the riders as they proceed, 2 whether by 
riding at a moderate pace, or by dismounting and walking at 
a moderate pace. In maintaining this moderate pace you will 
not fail, if you pay proper attention to the matter ; for every 
man can judge from himself, so as not to be unaware when 
others are over-fatigued. 2. When, however, you are march- 
ing to any particular place, and it is uncertain whether you 

1 'Ev ra> iTiKpoTip, in solo duro, is the reading adopted by Dindorf and 
Sauppe. Most editions have awoKoorif), " steep." But Xenophon was 
previously speaking, sa3's Sauppe, of sandy ground ; now he speaks of 
harder ground. 

9 'kvaravr) tovq 'nnreag tov fiadiZeiv.'} Properly, " relieve the riders," 
airb tov j3a6iZsiv, " from marching," i. e. from too much exertion or 
fatigue on the march. Badi&iv here means " proceeding on horseback," 
not " on foot," as Sturz imagines. 


may fall in with the enemy, you must let the tribes rest only 
in turns, for it would be dangerous if the enemy should come 
upon you when all your men are dismounted. 3. If, again, 
you have to march through narrow passes, you must lead on 
your men, at the word of command, in single file ; if you come 
into broad roads, you must, at the word of command, extend 
the front of each tribe ; and when you come forth into open 
plains, you must form all the tribes in a solid body ; for it is 
veil to execute these movements even for the sake of exercise, 
ind it is more agreeable, as you pursue your route, to vary 
the modes of marching in the different companies. 

4. When you march out of the beaten road, and over diffi- 
cult ground, it will be very proper, not only in a hostile but 
in a friendly country, that some of the inferior officers should 
ride on in advance of each tribe ; who, if they meet with im- 
passable woods, may seek unobstructed ways, and point out 
to the rest of the cavalry where they must direct their march, 
so that whole companies may not stray from one another. 5. 
If you march in expectation of encountering dangers, it is the 
part of a prudent commander to see that extraordinary scouts 
go before the ordinary ones to ascertain the position of the 
enemy. It is proper, also, both with reference to attacking 
and for keeping on guard, that at the crossing of rivers the 
soldiers should wait for one another, that those who get over 
last may not fatigue their horses by hastening after their 
leader. Almost all officers know the propriety of this, but 
there are not many willing to take the trouble of constantly 
attending to it. 

6. It is the duty of a commander of cavalry in time of peace, 
also, to study to acquire an exact knowledge, as well of the 
enemy's country, as of his own ; and if he cannot obtain such 
knowledge personally, he may keep about him men that are 
well acquainted with the several parts of both countries ; for 
a leader who knows the roads is a totally different person from 
one who is ignorant of them ; and, in forming plans against 
the enemy, he who has a knowledge of the country has a vast 
advantage over him who is a stranger to it. 7. When you 
are procuring spies, too, before a war is actually begun, you 
ought to take care that they may be taken from towns friendly 
to both parties, and from merchants ; for all towns receive as 
friends those who bring anything with them ; and such persons 

314 HlPPARCHICtJS. L cfl. 4, 

are sometimes useful as pretended deserters. 8. You ought never 
to trust to your spies, however, so far as to neglect to keep on 
your guard, but you should always be as well prepared as if 
the enemy were reported to be approaching ; for however trust- 
worthy the spies may be, it may be difficult for them to bring 
information in time, since many obstacles occur in war. 

9. The enemy will be least likely to observe the march of 
cavalry out of the camp, if it be conducted by notice commu- 
nicated from man to man rather than by announcement made by 
a herald or by a written order. 1 Besides leading out the troops, 
too, by notice from man to man, it will be proper to appoint 
captains of ten, and captains of five under the captains of ten, 
that each may have to give orders to as few as possible, and 
also that the captains of five may extend the front of the 
troop by bringing forward their men, as they may do without 
confusion, whenever there is occasion. 

io. Whenever it is necessary to guard against surprise, I 
always recommend watches to beset, and sentinels to be posted, 
with secrecy; for thus, while they are a security to their friends, 
they are rendered as it were an ambush for the enemy. 1 1 . The 
w atch themselves, too, when they are concealed, are less liable 
to surprise, and much more to be dreaded by the enemy ; for 
though the enemy may know that there are advanced guards 
somewhere, yet, if they know not where they are, or what is 
their number, their ignorance deprives them of all feeling of 
security, and compels them to regard every spot with suspicion ; 
while guards posted openly show them at once what they have 
to fear, and how far they may be free from apprehension. 12. He 
also that has parties on guard posted secretly, will be able, by 
sending out a small party openly in. advance of those that are 
concealed, to endeavour to draw the enemy into an ambush. 
Another way of occasionally surprising the enemy, also, is to 
post parties that are visible behind those that are concealed ; 
and this may be as effective in deceiving an antagonist as the 
method previously mentioned. 13. It is indeed the part of a 
prudent commander never to expose himself to danger, except 
when he has previously made it clear that he will have the ad- 
vantage over his adversaries. But for him to offer favourable 
opportunities of which the enemy may take advantage, 2 may 

1 Which must be read aloud to the men. 

• T6 di v7njpeTflv ra i'jdiara toIq noXtfiioig.] This is the case when xn 


be justly considered rather a betrayal of his party, 1 than a 
display of fortitude. 14. It is judicious, moreover, to make 
an attack on the enemy in the part where he is weakest, thongh 
that part may be at some distance; for to endure the fatigue 
of a long march is less dangerous than to contend against a 
superior force. 15. Should the enemy advance between two 
fortified places that are friendly to you, it will be well, even 
though they are far superior to you in number, to attack them 
on that wing on which you may approach them unobserved ; 
or it will be well even to attack them on both wings at once ; 
for, whenever one of your parties has to retire, 2 the other, 
riding up on the opposite side, may throw the enemy into 
confusion and assist in bringing off their friends. 

16. That it is proper to endeavour to learn the state of the 
enemy's affairs by means of scouts, has been long ago said ; 3 
but I think it best of all for the general himself to watch the 
enemy, if he can, from some safe position, and observe whether 
they commit any error, n. Whatever may be taken from 
them secretly, too, it is well to send a competent detachment 
to bring off; and whatever can be snatched from them openly, 
it is proper to despatch troops openly to seize. 

If, again, when the enemy are on the march, any part of 
their force, weaker than your own, is detached from the main 
body, or strays from it through too great self-confidence, you 
must not fail to take advantage of such an opportunity ; but 
you must always take care to pursue such weaker body with 
a force stronger than itself. 18. You may also, by giving 
your attention, profit by the following observations in regard 
to animals. Since birds and beasts of prey, which are inferior 
in intellect to man, as kites for instance, will seize on what- 
ever is left unguarded, and retreat to a place of safety before 
they are captured, and wolves will hunt cattle that are with- 
out protection, or steal such as are in places unwatched, and 

opportunity of fighting is offered to an enemy, in circumstances in which 
he is desirous of it. Thus the rashness of Flaminius, and the eagerness 
of Varro, were of advantage to Hannibal. Zeune. 

1 Ev/x/xaxwv.] Fellow-soldiers ; those fighting on the same side. Weiske. 

2 Through being repulsed by the enemy or from any other cause. 

3 By others. Our author has just touched on the subject in sect. 7 
and 8 of this chapter. Zeune. 

316 H1PPARCHICUS. [CH. 5. 

if a dog comes in pursuit of one of them, he will, if the dog 
is weaker than himself, attack him, or, if he is stronger, will 
kill the animal that he is carrying, and make off; 19. and 
since wolves, too, when they think themselves stronger 3 than 
those who are keeping guard, appoint some of their number 
to drive off the guard, and others to carry away the cattle, 
and thus secure subsistence for themselves ; 20. does it not 
become man, when beasts can carry off their prey with so 
much cunning, to show himself wiser than beasts, which are 
themselves caught by the art of man ? 


Of contrivances for deceiving the enemy, 

1. A man who has the charge of cavalry ought also to 
know in what distance a horse can overtake a person on foot, 
and at what distance slow horses may escape from such as are 
swifter. 2 It becomes a commander of cavalry to understand, 
too, on what kinds of ground foot are preferable to horse, and 
when horse are preferable to foot. 2. He should be fertile 
also in contrivances, and know how to make a small body of 
cavalry appear large, and a large one appear but small ; how 
to make the enemy imagine that he is absent when he is pre- 
sent, and present when he is absent ; and how, not only to 
conceal the state of things among the enemy from his own 
men, but, by concealing the movements of his own men from 
the enemy, to attack them unawares. It is an excellent arti- 
fice, also, to contrive, when you are weaker than the enemy, 
to strike terror into them, that they may not attack you ; and, 
when you are stronger, to create a false confidence in them, 
that they may come to a battle ; for thus you yourself are 

1 "Orav — (j)v\a>cr]Q KarcMppovrjaioari.] When the wolves think lightly of 
the guard, as being careless or weak. Zeune. 

8 'E£ biroaov j3padelg av \rntoi rax^S dircxptvyouv.] Bpadtig is the 
nominative. Camerarius has very clearly expressed the sense : De quant* 
spatio tardi equi ante veloces fagd elabi possint. Zeune. 


least likely to suffer loss, and are in the best condition to take 
advantage of any error on the part of the enemy. 

3. That I may not be thought to prescribe what is impossi- 
ble, I will explain how that which appears most difficult in 
such proceedings may be accomplished. 4. Security from 
failure, then, when attempting to pursue or retreat, a know- 
ledge of the strength of his horses will give. But how can 
he obtain this knowledge ? By observing, in the mock fights 
during peace, how the horses hold out in pursuit and re- 
treat. 5. When you wish your cavalry to appear numerous, 
let it be your first consideration whether there be a fair 
opportunity for doing so, that you may not attempt to deceive 
the enemy when you are close upon them ; for it is safer 
to try such deceit at a distance, and it is more likely to be 
successful. You must then bear in mind that horses appear 
numerous when they are in a close body, on account of the 
size of the animal, but that, when they are scattered about, 
they are easily counted. 6. Your cavalry may also be made 
to appear more numerous than they are, if you station the 
grooms ! between the horsemen, holding spears, if possible, or, 
if not, something resembling spears, in their hands ; and this 
you may do whether you exhibit the cavalry standing still, or 
whether you are leading it along, for the mass of a troop 
must thus always appear greater and denser. 7. Should you, 
on the other hand, wish a large number to seem small, it is 
plain that, if there be grounds at hand to admit of conceal- 
ment, you may keep some of your men on the open parts, and 
place others out of sight, and thus disguise their number ; but 
if the country is entirely open, you must range your men by 
tens in single file, 2 and lead them on with an interval between 
the files, and you must make the men of each ten immediately 
in front of the enemy hold their lances erect, while the rest 
keep them down and out of sight. 8. To alarm the enemy 
you may adopt pretended ambuscades, may feign to send suc- 
cour to this or that quarter, or may circulate false reports. 
The enemy, however, are always boldest when they hear that 
their adversaries have plenty of trouble or occupation. 

1 Every horse-soldier seems to have had his ittttokojioq, or groom, with 
him in the field. 

2 AeKaSag xpv otoixovvciq TroiriaavTaA 2roixow<xa£ is interpreted bj 
Zeune in versus rectos porreclas, " extended in straight rows or files." 

318 HippARcmcus. [ch. 5. 

9. Having laid down tkese precepts, I shall add that a 
commander ought always to be on the alert to deceive the 
enemy, so as to take advantage of present circumstances ; for 
in reality nothing is more useful in war than deceit. 10. And 
when even children, as they play at guessing numbers, 1 are 
able to deceive by making pretences, so that, when they have 
but few, they may appear to have many, and, when they 
bring forward many, may appear to have but few, how can it 
be impossible for men, when they apply their minds to de- 
ceive, to be able to contrive similar stratagems? n. If a 
person reflects upon the various advantages that have been 
obtained in wars, he will find that the most and greatest have 
been obtained by stratagems. For which reason a man must 
either never attempt to be a commander, or he must suppli- 
cate the gods that he may be able to unite this accomplish- 
ment with others, and he himself must strive to excel in it. 

12. For commanders who have sea at hand, it is an excel- 
lent mode of deceiving the enemy, to seem to be fitting out 
ships, and in the mean time to carry into execution some 
enterprise by land, or, while they pretend to be forming de- 
signs by land, to make some attempt by sea. 

1 3. It is the duty of a commander of cavalry, too, to impress 
upon the state how weak cavalry is, when unsupported by 
infantry, against an enemy that has cavalry united with his 
infantry. It is the duty also of a commander of cavalry, 
when he has infantry given him, to use them with effect. He 
may conceal his infantry, too, not only among his cavalry, but 

1 "Orav 7rai£a»a7. Tro<jLv$a.~\ Quoties ludunt in nwnero divinando, is the 
translation of these words given in the Latin version attached to Didot's 
edition of Dindorf's Text, Paris, 1853. Jloaivda is a conjecture of Din- 
dorf's, in place of 7roert Se a, from which no commentator could extract 
any sense. But whether it be what Xenophon wrote is a matter of un~ 
certainty. BacnXivda, the model on which it is formed, meant a con- 
vivial game, at which he who became king by lot obliged the rest of the 
company to do what he pleased. The interpretation of iroaivda is from 
iroaa £%«, " how many are there ? " a question asked at the game of even 
or odd, Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5, 4. 'OXiyovg, and the other masculine ad- 
jectives which follow in the text, must be regarded as agreeing with ma- 
rrovg, a word which Schneider had proposed to introduce into the passage, 
by reading orav TraiZ,io<n Trwaoig. But neither irecraolg nor irooivla 
seems to suit well with the military stratagems of which Xenophon is 
speaking ; the allusion seems rather to have been to boys disguising their 
numbers when they .play at soldiers, or some game of that kind. 

CH. 5, 6.] DUTIES OF A LEADER. 319 

behind them; for a horseman obstructs the view far more 
than a foot soldier. 14. But all such stratagems, and what- 
ever others he may contrive in addition to them, when he 
wishes to get the advantage of the enemy either by force or 
by art, I recommend him to try only under the favour of the 
gods, so that, when the gods are propitious, fortune may be 
on his side. 

15. It is sometimes an effectual mode of deceit to make it 
appear that ycu are extremely cautious, and utterly averse to 
risk ; for this often leads the enemy to be less on their guard, 
and to commit more mistakes. On the other hand, if a com- 
mander appears on some occasions to be venturesome, he may, 
even while he continues quiet, yet feigns to be preparing for 
some enterprise, cause the enemy much anxiety. 


How a leader may secure the respect and affection of his men, 

l. But no workman can fashion anything as he wishes, 
unless the materials from which he has to fashion it be pre- 
pared to his hand, so that they may obey his pleasure ; nor 
Can a commander do what he pleases with men, unless they 
be so disposed, with the help of the gods, as to have a friend- 
ly feeling towards him, and a conviction that he has more 
skill than themselves in ordering battles with an enemy. 2. A 
friendly feeling it is likely that the troops will entertain to- 
wards him, if he shows that he takes thought for them, that 
they may have provisions, may retire to a secure camp, and 
rest under a sufficient guard. 3. In the field l he must let it 
be seen that he pays attention to the fodder for the horses, 
the tents, the water, the posting of sentinels, and all other 
necessary matters, exercising his forethought, and even de- 
priving himself of sleep, for the good of those under his com- 
mand. When the commander has abundance of anything, it 

1 'Ei/ TaiQ (ppovpaig.'] <&povpa must here, apparently, be taken in the 
sense in which it was used at Sparta in the phrase <ppovpav <pah>nv } to 
give notice of a levy, or the assembling of a force fcr any expedition. 


will be for his interest to share it with his men. 4. Contempt 
for a commander they will be very unlikely to feel, if, to say 
all in a few words, he appears to do whatever he orders them 
to do better than they. 5. Beginning, therefore, with the 
mounting of their horses, he ought to exercise them in every 
sort of equestrian accomplishment, that they may see that 
their leader is able to cross ditches on horseback with safety, 
to leap over walls, to jump down from heights, and to throw 
his javelin efficiently; for all such qualifications contribute to 
protect him from being undervalued. 6. If they feel assured, 
too, that he is skilful in directing affairs, and able to secure 
them advantages over the enemy ; if they are impressed also 
with the belief that he will not lead them against the enemy 
rashly, or without the approbation of the gods, or in oppo- 
sition to the auspices; all such feelings will render troops 
more submissive to their commander. 


Of the qualifications necessary to a general for commanding against the 
Thebans. He must have great caution, and never put himself into the 
jnemy's power, but weaken them by frequent slight attacks. 

l. It belongs, doubtless, to every commander to be pru- 
dent ; but the commander of the cavalry of the Athenians 
ought to be far superior to others, both in showing respect for 
the gods and in military qualifications, as he has enemies 1 
bordering on his country who have as many cavalry as him- 
self, and a large force of heavy-armed infantry. 2. Should he 
then attempt to invade the enemy's country without the sup 
port of the other troops of the state, he would have to main 
tain a perilous contest against the enemy's cavalry and in 
fantry with his cavalry only. Should the enemy, on the othe: 
hand, invade the country of the Athenians, they would not come, 
in the first place, without other cavalry united with their own, 
and, in the second place, without such a number of infantry 
that they would consider all the Athenians together unable to 
1 The Thebans. See seot 3, fin. 




oppose them in the fi-eld. 3. If, however, the whole people should 
go forth against such an enemy, with a resolution to defend 
their territory, favourable hopes might be entertained ; for the 
cavalry, if their commander pays due attention to them, will 
be, with the help of the gods, superior to those of the enemy ; 
the infantry will not be inferior to theirs in number, nor will 
they have the disadvantage in bodily strength, while in their 
minds they will be even more ambitious of distinction, if, un- 
der the favour of the gods, they be properly exercised. On 
their ancestors, certainly, the Athenians pride themselves no 
less than the Boeotians. 4. But should the people turn their 
thoughts towards the sea, and think it sufficient to save merely 
their walls, as at the time when the Lacedaemonians invaded the 
country in conjunction with all the other Greeks, 1 and should 
they appoint the cavalry to defend the parts outside the walls, 
and to hazard a contest, themselves alone, against all the in- 
vaders, I think that in that case there would be need, above 
all, of powerful support from the gods, and that it will be 
proper, in addition, for the commander of the cavalry to be an 
extremely accomplished leader ; for he will require great 
judgment to act against an enemy far more numerous than his 
own troops, and great boldness to take advantage of an oppor- 
tunity whenever one may present itself. 

5. It is necessary also, as it appears to me, that he should 
be able to sustain personal fatigue ; 2 for otherwise, having to 
contend at his peril with an army before him, to which not 
even the whole state would be willing to oppose itself, it is 
evident that he would have to submit to whatever those 
stronger than himself chose to impose upon him, and would be 
able to make not even a semblance of defence. 6. But if he 
should protect the grounds without the walls, with such a 
number of men as would suffice to watch the motions of the 
enemy, and be able to retreat into a place of safety after 
having observed whatever might be requisite, 3 (and a small 
number may be not less able to reconnoitre than a larger one,) 

1 In the time of Pericles, at the commencement of the Peloponnesian 
War; see Thucyd. ii. 13, 14, 22. 

2 TloveTv.] Weiske supposed this word corrupt. Schneider takes it 
in the sense of Kaprepuv. 

3 Td dtofieva.) These words have nothing to govern them. T)i r \ori 
supposes that llovrtq has fallen out of the text 

vol. in. y 

322 HIPPARCHICUS. [ch. 7. 

and those who are too timid to trust either to themselves or 
their horses may be as well qualified for going out to watch, 
and returning to their friends, as others, (for fear appears to 
be a powerful incentive to keeping guard), and a commander 
might perhaps accordingly decide rightly in taking guards 
from these ; but if, when he has with him those who are not 
wanted for the guard, he considers that he has an army, it 
will certainly appear to him but a small one, for it will be alto- 
gether too weak to make head against the enemy in the field. 
But if he employs them as flying parties, he may find their 
force, as it would appear, quite sufficient for that duty. It 
behoves him, however, as it seems to me, to keep his men l 
always ready for action, and to be on the watch for any secret 
movement of the enemy's army, in case that they should be 
guilty of any error, y. The more numerous an army is, in- 
deed, the more faults the men are accustomed to commit ; for 
they either scatter themselves about for the purpose of getting 
provisions, 2 or, marching with too little regard to order, some 
go before, and others fall behind, farther than is proper. 
10. Such negligences you should not suffer to be committed 
with impunity, (for if you do so, the whole country will be one 
camp,) 3 taking good care, however, if you undertake any expe- 
dition, to make a hasty retreat before the great body of the 
enemy can come to the aid of their party. 

11. An army on the march often comes into roads in which 
a large number of men can do no more than a small one ; and 
at the crossings of the rivers it is possible for a commander 
who is on the alert, and who pursues with caution, to manage 
in such a manner that he may attack as many of his adver- 
saries at once as he pleases. 12. Sometimes it is advantageous, 
too, to make attacks on the enemy when they are at their 

1 Tobg 7rape<TKtva<Tn'evovQ.'] Weiske very justly supposes that some 
word, perhaps eavrov or lirirkaQ, is lost out of the text after tovq . A 
little below, it appears necessary to insert an article, and read rd u>; 
KaTcupavr} ovra. The meaning of several words and phrases in this part 
is rather doubtful, but I have endeavoured to give everywhere the sense 
apparently most consistent with the scope of the author. 

2 'E7rt ra iTriTrjdei £7rijti6\eia.] The soundness of these words is 
questioned by most of the commentators. Leunclavius and Zeune pro- 
pose to read irtpl for £7ri, with ry before it. 

3 That is, the enemy will wander unrestrained throughout the whole 
country, carrying off booty. Weiske. 

Oil. 7, 8.J NFCfcSSlTY OF EXERCISE. 323 

morning or evening meal, or when they are rising from their 
beds ; for at al] such times the troops are unarmed, the in- 
fantry for a shorter, and the cavalry for a longer time. 
13. On their sentinels and outposts you should never cease to 
make attempts ; for these are always few in number, and are 
sometimes stationed far away from the main body. 14. Should 
the enemy guard such posts well, it will not be amiss to pass 
them secretly, and penetrate into the enemy's ground, relying 
on the support of the gods, and after having first ascertained 
what force is at each station, and the exact spots where they 
are placed ; for no prize is so honourable as the capture of an 
enemy's advanced guard. 15. Guards, indeed, are very easily 
deceived ; since they are ready to pursue whatever small force 
they see, imagining that this is a part of their duty. You 
must have a care, however, as to the direction of your retreat, 
that it may not be on that side where the enemy will come to 
the succour of their party. 


Further admonitions on the same subject. 

.1 Those, however, who would be able to annoy a much 
stronger army than their own, ought to have so much the ad- 
vantage over their enemies in military skill, that they them- 
selves may appear accomplished in all kinds of equestrian ex- 
ercises, and their adversaries utterly unpractised in them. 
2. The first requisite to this is, that those who are to engage 
in predatory excursions should be so inured to the fatigue of 
riding, that they may be prepared to endure every sort of 
military exertion ; for horses and men thai are unaccustomed 
to such duty would appear like women going to fight against 
men. 3. But those who are taught and accustomed to leap 
across ditches, to vault over walls, to spring up on eminences, 
to descend from them with safety, and to ride at full speed 
down steep grounds, will have as much advantage over those 
who are unpractised in such exercises as winged animals have 
over those that can only walk. Those, again, whose feet are 

324 HippARcnicus. [ch. 8. 

hardened with exercise will be as superior on rough ground 
to those who are not habituated to it, as persons who are 
sound in their limbs are to those who are lame ; and those 
who are acquainted with the face of a country will as much sur- 
pass those who are unacquainted with it, in advancing and re- 
treating, as those who have sight would surpass the blind. 4. A 
commander should understand, moreover, that horses in good 
condition are such as are well fed, but at the same time exer- 
cised so effectually that they will not lose their wind under 
fatigue. And as bits and housings for horses can be useful 
only when they are fitted with straps, a commander of cavalry 
should never be without straps ; for he may at a small expense 
put those who are in want of them in an efficient con- 

5. Should any officer think that he shall have too much 
trouble if he must thus exercise his cavalry, let him reflect 
that those who exercise themselves in gymnastic games un- 
dergo far greater labour and trouble than those who practise 
equestrian exercises to the utmost degree ; for the greater 
part of gymnastic exercises are performed with extreme ex- 
ertion, but most of those of an equestrian kind with pleasure. 
6. Should a man pray, indeed, to become a winged animal, 
there is no human accomplishment that would bring him so 
near to the object of his wishes as horsemanship. 7. To gain 
a victory in the field of battle is far more glorious than to gain 
one in a pugilistic contest ; for the state has a share in such 
honour, 1 and it is through success in war that the gods, for 
the most part, crown communities with prosperity ; so that I 
know not why it is proper to practise any kind of exercises 
more than those of a warlike nature. 8. We may consider, 
also, that it is only through being inured to toil that the pi- 
rates are enabled to live on the property of those who are far 
stronger then themselves. On land, too, it is not the part of 
those who reap the fruit of their own grounds, but of those 
who are in want of sustenance, to commit depredations on 
others ; for they must either cultivate the ground themselves, 

1 That is, the honour of victory in the field of battle. But the state 
had also some credit from gymnastic victories, as Schneider observes ; and 
he therefore thinks that something is wrong in the text. The reader of 
the original will observe that evdatfiovia, a little below, is to be taken 
with <jTt<t>avoi)Giv, as the dative of the instrument. 


or live on the produce of the labour of others, since by no other 
means is it possible either to secure life or enjoy peace. 1 

9. You must likewise bear in mind that you must never, 
when you make an attack with cavalry on a superior force, 
leave any ground behind yea which is difficult for the horses 
to cross ; for to be unhorsed is far more perilous to him who 
is retreating than to him who is pursuing. 

10. I would wish to remind you, also, that you ought to be 
very cautious in the following respects ; for there are some 
commanders who, when they are going against an enemy td 
whom they think themselves superior, set out with a very 
small force, so that they often suffer what they hoped to in- 
flict ; and, when they proceed against an enemy to whom they 
are quite certain that they are inferior, they take with them 
all the troops that they can command. 11. But I am of opin- 
ion that you ought to act in a quite contrary manner ; when a 
commander leads out his troops in the expectation that he 
shall conquer, I think that he should not spare his force, 
whatever he has ; for to have obtained an overwhelming vic- 
tory has never been a cause of repentance to any leader. 12. But 
when he makes an attempt upon an enemy far superior in 
number, and foresees that, after doing his utmost, he will still 
be obliged to retreat, I assert that, in such a case, it is much 
better for him to lead a few of his men, than the whole of 
them, to the charge, but that he should take the flower of his 
force, the best of his men, and the best of his horses ; for, 
being of that description, they will be able to execute any 
enterprise, and secure a retreat, with most safety. 13. But 
when he leads all his force against a superior enemy, and 
wishes to retreat, it must happen that those who are on the 
slowest horses will be overtaken, while others will fall off from 
unskilfulness in riding, and others will be intercepted through 
the difficulties of the ground ; for it is hard to find any large 
extent of ground exactly such as you would wish. 14. They 
may also, from being numerous, run against each other, impede 
one another's progress, and do much damage. But good 
horses and men will be able to escape from the hands of the 

1 The reader may perhaps think the examples in this section somewhat 
objectionable; but they are intended to show the necessity of military 
exercises and qualifications, if we would be in a condition to defend our- 
selves against our neighbours. 

326 H1PPARCHICUS. ( CII. 8. 

enemy, 1 especially if the commander contrive to threaten the 
pursuers with that portion of his cavalry that has remained 
behind. 15. For this purpose, pretended ambushes are ser- 
viceable ; and it will be useful for him also to discover at what 
point some of his own party may show themselves with safety 
so as to retard the course of the pursuers, is. It is manifest, 
too, that where exertion and expedition are required, a smaller 
number will have the advantage over a larger, rather than a 
larger over a smaller ; not that I say that the smaller number 
will be more efficient and expeditious because it is smaller, 
but that it is easier to find a small number who will take care 
of themselves and their horses, and who will practise horse- 
manship with skill, than a large one. 

17. If it even happen that a commander has to contend 
with a body of cavalry exactly equal in number to his own, 
I think that it will not be amiss for him to form two troops 
out of each tribe, of which the phylarch may command 
one, and the other whosoever appears best qualified. 18. 
The latter leader may follow with his troop, for a time, at the 
rear of the troop under the phylarch ; and when the enemy 
come close up, he may, at the word of command, ride forward 
to attack them ; for by this method I think that they will 
cause more alarm to the enemy, and will be more difficult to 
withstand. 19. Should both the leaders also have infantry 
with them, and should these be concealed behind the cavalry, 
and, discovering themselves suddenly, close with the enemy, 
they seem likely to contribute much more by that means to 
secure a victory ; for I see that what is unexpected, if it be 
good, gives people much more pleasure, and, if it is something 
formidable, causes them much more alarm. 20. This any per- 
son may very well understand, who reflects how much those 
are startled that fall into an ambuscade, even though they be 
much superior in numbers; and how much greater terror, 
when two armies are encamped opposite to one another, is 
Telt during the first days after their meeting. 21. To order 
these matters, however, is not difficult ; but to secure men who 
will act against the enemy with prudence, fidelity, zeal, and 
courage, requires great ability in a commander ', 22. for he 

1 'E£ avT&v.'] Weiske suspects Jiat xcijowv, or some such word, hai 
topped out of the text. ... 

CH. 8, 9.] CONCLUSION. 327 

ought to be qualified to speak and to act in such a manner 
that those who are under his command may feel convinced 
that it is advantageous for them to obey him, to follow him as 
their leader, and to engage the enemy under his direction, 
and that they may feel a desire for praise, and a resolution 
to persevere in whatever course they adopt. 

23. If, on any occasion, when two camps lie face to face, 
or two fortresses belonging to the opposite parties, there occur 
returns to the charge, 1 and pursuits, and retreats 2 of the 
cavalry in the space between them, both parties are for the 
most part accustomed, in such cases, to advance slowly on re- 
turning to a charge, and then to ride over the intermediate 
space at full speed. 24. But if any commander, letting it be 
supposed that he will act thus, nevertheless, on wheeling 
about, charges with speed and retires with speed, he may 
thus, as is apparent, do most damage to the enemy, and con- 
sult best for his own safety, riding forward quickly while 
he is near the strength of his own side, and retreating quickly 
from before the strength of the enemy. 25. If he could con- 
trive to leave unobserved, 3 too, four or five of the best horses 
and men of each troop, they would be of great weight in 
charging the enemy as they are returning to the attack. 


Concluding remarks. 

i. As to reading these precepts, it will be sufficient for a 
commander to peruse them but a very few times ; but, in 
action, he ought to be constantly ready to take advantage of 
whatever opportunity may occur, and, looking to that which 
offers itself, to work out that which is expedient. To com- 
mit to writing everything that he ought to do is no more pos- 

1 'AvavrpoipaL] A word used of those who, after fleeing before an 
enemy, turn upon their pursuers, and pursue them in return. Weiske. 

2 ' AvaxupriatiQ."] Applied to those who desist from a pursuit, and 
hasten to retreat to a place of safety. Weiske. 

9 That is, in ambuscade. 

328 hipparchicus. [en. 9 

sible than to know everything that will happen. 2. Of all ad- 
monitions, however, the best seems to me to be, that whatever 
he discovers to be advantageous, he should take care that it 
be carried into execution ; for neither in agriculture, nor in 
navigation, nor in military management, does accurate know- 
ledge produce any effect, unless the possessor of it takes care 
that it be carried into practice. 

3. I give it as my opinion, however, that the whole body 
of cavalry may, with the assistance of the gods, be kept up to 
the number of a thousand l with greater expedition, and with 
much more ease to the citizens, if they should admit two 
hundred foreign soldiers as mercenaries ; as these, if united 
with the rest, seem likely to render the whole of the cavalry 
more obedient 2 and more emulous of one another in valour ; 
for I know that the cavalry of the Lacedaemonians began to 
be distinguished when they admitted foreigners into it. 4. 
I see that in other states too, in all countries, foreign soldiers 
are held in much esteem ; for necessity excites great zeal. 3 

5. For purchasing horses I consider that the citizens may 
secure funds from those who are strongly averse to cavalry 
service, (for persons of that character, on whom that service 
falls, will be willing to pay the cavalry-tax that they may be 
exempt from it,) and from other persons that are rich, but too 
weak for bodily exertion ; and I think that contributions 
might be exacted from orphans 4 that have estates able to pay. 
6. I am of opinion also, that if some of the metoecs were re- 
ceived into the cavalry, they would show a desire for distinc- 
tion ; for I see that in regard to other honours, of which the 
citizens allow them a share, some of them are ready, from a 
love of praise, to do whatever is required of them. 

7. Infantry, too, in union with the cavalry, appears to me 
likely to be of great service, if it be composed of men de- 
termined to act against the enemy. 5 All these advantages 
may be secured with the aid of the gods. 

1 See c. i. sect, 2. 

2 More ready to obey the orders of the general, when they see the 
readiness to do so shown by the mercenaries. 

3 Since foreign soldiers, unless they exert themselves^ will he dismissed 
from the service of their employers. Sauppe. 

4 Who were exempt from such tax, as appears from Demosth. de 
Symmor. [p. 163, 16, ed. Bekk.] Schneider. 

5 T&v kvavTiojTCLTiov Toig TroXt^iotQ.] " Hommes, decides 3. v^inqr* 
on a mourir." Gail. 

§ 8, 9.] conclusion. 329 

8. If any reader is surprised at my frequent repetition that 
we must proceed with the aid of the gods, let him be 
assured that he will feel less surprise at this admonition, if he 
fall often into danger, and if he reflect that in time of war 
enemies often form designs on one another, but seldom know 
the state of things among the party against whom their de- 
signs are formed. 9. Such being the case, it is impossible to 
find to whom we may apply for counsel, except to the gods, 
who know all things, and who give intimations to whomsoever 
they please, by sacrifices, auguries, omens, and dreams. But 
it is probable that the gods will be more willing to afford 
counsel to those who not only ask them what they are to do 
when they need advice, but pay them honour, as far as they 
can. in time of success. 



At what period of his life Xenophon wrote this piece is uncer- 
tain, except that we may suppose it to have been written some 
time after his return from Asia with the Ten Thousand. 

Valckenaer, De Aristobulo, p. 114, cited by Schneider, suspects 
that the catalogue of mythological and other personages in the 
first chapter, who are said to have profited so much by devotion to 
hunting, can scarcely be all genuine. To this suspicion Schneider 
was very ready to listen. But there is far more ground for 
believing that the thirteenth chapter, which consists chiefly of a 
series of weak and foolish assaults on the sophists, is spurious. 
Both the matter, and the manner in which it is expressed, are utter] y 
unworthy of Xenophon. The rest of the work, though Schneider 
has some suspicion of the twelfth chapter, is probably genuine. 

The first part, as far as the end of the eighth chapter, treats mostly 
of hare-hunting, and with such a thorough acquaintance with 
the subject, that Blane, hitherto the only English translator of the 
work, who, being a sportsman, deserves attention, says, " I have 
been indeed astonished; in reading the Cynegeticos of Xenophon, 
to find the accurate knowledge that great man had of the 
nature of the hare, and the method of hunting her ; and to 
observe one of the finest writers, the bravest soldiers, the ablest 
politicians, the wisest philosophers, and the most virtuous citizens 
of antiquity, so intimately acquainted with all the niceties and 
difficulties of pursuing this little animal, and describing them with 
a precision that would not disgrace the oldest sportsman of Great 
Britain, who never had any other idea interfere to perplex his 

The rest of the treatise speaks of the hunting of deer, boars, 
and other larger beasts. His description of a snare for entangling 
the feet of deer, in the ninth chapter, is to us of modern days 
very obscure. 




Praise sf hunting, as having its origin from the gods, and as having been of 
advantage to many eminent men who have cultivated it. 

l. The invention of the art is from the gods ; for hunting 
and dogs were the care of Apollo and Diana, who rewarded 
and honoured Chiron with a knowledge of them on account of 
his regard for justice. 2. He, having received the gift, was 
delighted with it, and had as disciples, in this and other 
honourable pursuits, Cephalus, iEsculapius, Melanion, Nestor, 
Amphiaraus, Peleus, Telamon, Meleager, Theseus, Hippoly- 
tus, Palamedes, Ulysses, Menestheus, Diomede, Castor, Pollux, 
Machaon, Podalirius, Antilochus, JEneas, Achilles; each of 
whom, in his own day, received honour from the gods. 

3. Nor let any one wonder that most of them, though they 
pleased the deities, nevertheless died ; (for this nature de- 
mands ; but their great praises have been perpetuated ;) nor 
let any one feel surprised that their lives were not all of the 
snrae duration, since the life of Chiron was long enough for 
all of them. 1 4. Jupiter and Chiron were brothers, sons of 
the same father ; but Jupiter had Rhea for his mother, and 
Chiron a Naiad nymph ; so that he was born before all of 
them, but did not die till he had brought up Achilles. 

5. From their attention to dogs and hunting, and from their 
other accomplishments, they were admired as greatly excel- 
ling in merit. 6. Cephalus was carried off by a goddess ; 2 

1 Tlaaiv tZrjpicei.] He lived so long that he was able to instruct them 
all. Shirz, Lex. Xen. 8 Aurora. Apollodorus, iii. 14. 3. 

332 ON HUNTING. [CH. 1. 

JEsculapius obtained higher distinction, that of raising the 
dead and healing the sick ; and for these powers he receives 
immortal glory as a god among mortals, i. Melanion attained 
such renown in bodily exercises, that he alone was deemed 
worthy of the high honour of a marriage with Atalanta, for 
which the most eminent men of that period were his rivals. 
The merit of Nestor has already pervaded the ears of the 
Greeks ; so that, if I were to speak of it, I should speak to 
those who are well acquainted with it. 8. Amphiaraus, when 
he proceeded against Thebes, obtained the greatest praise, 
and received from the gods the honour of living for ever. 
Peleus inspired the gods with the desire of giving him Thetis 
in marriage, and of celebrating the marriage at the dwelling of 
Chiron. 9. Telamon became so eminent that he married 
Periboea, the daughter of Alcathous, a native of the greatest 
of cities, 1 whom he courted ; and when Hercules, the chief of 
the Greeks, distributed the prizes of valour after he had taken 
Troy, he assigned to him Hesione. io. The honours which 
Meleager received are well known ; and that he fell into mis- 
fortunes in his old age was not through his own fault, but 
through his father's forgetfulness of the goddess. 2 Theseus 
alone overthrew the enemies of all Greece ; and, having 
greatly increased the power of his country, is held in honour 
even in the present day. 1-1. Hippolytus was honoured by 
Diana, and celebrated by general report, and died in happy 
estimation for his temperance and piety. Palamedes, as long 
as he lived, far surpassed the men of his age in wisdom ; and, 
after being put to death unjustly, obtained more honour from 
the gods than any other among mortals. But he was not put 
to death by those by whom some suppoie that he was ; for it 
could not have been one 3 who was almost the best of men, and 
another 4 who was of a character with the good ; but it was 
assuredly bad men that did the deed. 

12. Menestheus, from his devotion to hunting, so far sur- 
passed other men in endurance of toil, that the first among 
the Greeks acknowledged themselves inferior to him in mili- 
tary affairs, except Nestor alone ; and he indeed is not said to 
have excelled, but to have rivalled him. 13. Ulysses and 

1 Fr. Portus supposes that Elis is meant ; Brodaeus, Athens. Bro 
daeus's opinion, says Weiske, is countenanced by Pausan. i. 42, 1. 

2 Diana. 3 Agamemnon. Weiske. 4 Ulysses. Weiske, 

§ 14 — 18.] ADVANTAGES OF HUNTING. 333 

Diornede were distinguished on particular occasions, and were 
on the whole the authors of the reduction of Troy. Castoi 
and Pollux, through the esteem which they acquired from 
exhibiting in Greece such of the accomplishments as they 
learned from Chiron, are immortal. 14. Machaon and Poda- 
lirius, who were instructed in all the same accomplishments, 
were excellent in arts, and eloquence, and war. Antilochus, 
by dying for his father, 1 obtained such glory that he alone is 
called by the Greeks Philopator. 1 5. ^Eneas, by preserving 
his paternal and maternal gods, 2 and by saving also the life ol 
his father, gained such renown for his filial piety, that the 
Greeks granted to him alone, of all that they took prisoners 
in Troy, exemption from being spoiled of his property. 
16. Achilles, brought up in the same course of instruction, 
raised such illustrious and extraordinary memorials of himself, 
that no one is ever tired either of speaking or hearing con- 
cerning him. 

17. All these men became such as they were from the instruc- 
tion derived from Chiron ; men whom the good still love, and 
the bad envy.. If misfortunes happened, indeed, to any city 
or ruler in Greece, they 3 became its deliverers ; or if a quarrel 
or war arose between the whole of Greece and the barbarians, 4 
the Greeks secured the victory by means of these heroes ; 
so that they rendered Greece invincible, is. I therefore exhort 
the young not to despise hunting, or any part of liberal edu- 
cation ; for by such means men become excellent in military 
qualifications, and in other accomplishments by which they 
are necessarily led to think, act, and speak rightly. 

1 Defending his father against Memnon, by whom Antilochus himself 
was killed, as appears from Pind. Pyth. vi. 28. 

2 'Toiig irarpyovg ical [irjrpyovg QtovgJ] By Trarpyovg Oeovg Weiske 
understands the Dii Penates ; by firjTptfovg, the statue of Vesta, with the 
sacred fire and the palladium. But there seems no reason why paternal 
and maternal gods should be regarded as meaning anything more than 
dii domestici. 

8 Referring to Hercules and Theseus. 4 As the Trojan war 

334 ON HUNTING. [CH. 2. 


Qualifications necessary in the hunter and his net- keeper. Description oi 

the nets to be used. 

1. In the first place, then, it is proper for one who has 
just passed the age of boyhood to devote himself to hunting, 
and, in the next place, to other accomplishments; I mean, one 
who has fortune ; but he must have regard to the extent of 
it ; he who has a competency should pursue such exercises 
in proportion to the benefit which he may expect from them ; 
he who has not, should at least show a desire for them, and 
neglect no part of them that is within his means. 

2. With what preparations, and of what kind, he ought to 
come to the pursuit of hunting, I will mention, as well as 
what is necessary to be known in each particular matter, in 
order that he may not enter on the occupation without some 
previous instruction. Nor let any one imagine that the ad- 
monitions which I offer are trifling ; for without attention to 
them nothing could be done. 

3. It is necessary, then, that he 1 who has the care of the 
nets should be fond of his employment, should speak the 
Greek language, be about twenty years of age, active and 
strong in body, and possessed of sufficient courage, in order 
that, surmounting toil by means of these qualifications, he 
may have pleasure in the occupation. 4. The small nets, 
those for stopping roads, and the larger ones, 2 should all be 
made of fine flax from Phasis or Carthage. The nets should 
also be made of cord of nine threads ; that is, of three strands, 
and each strand of three threads; they should be five spans 3 

1 A slave who prepared the nets, and spread them. 

2 Three kinds of nets are here mentioned by Xenophon, the dpicvtc, or 
small nets, the Siktvu, or large nets, and the IvoSia, for stopping roads, 
paths, or frequented tracks, which appear to have been of an intermediate 
size, and which I shall henceforth call "road-nets." 

3 The spithame, or span, was about 9 inches. Hussey, Essay en An- 
cient Weights, &c. A»cend. sect. 9. 


in depth, and two palms ] at the running-nooses ; 2 and let the 
cords that run round them be inserted without knots, that 
they may slip with ease. 5. The road-nets should be made 
of cord of twelve threads, and the large nets of cord of six- 
teen ; as to size, the road-nets should be two, or four, or five 
fathoms in length ; the large nets should be ten, or twenty, or 
thirty fathoms ; if they be larger, they will be difficult to 
manage ; both of them must have thirty knots, 3 and the size 
of the meshes must be the same as that of the meshes in the 
smaller nets. Let the road-nets have round knots at the 
upper extremities, and the larger nets rings; and the ropes 4 
that run round them made of twisted cord. i. Let the forked 
props for the small nets be ten palms in length, 5 some how- 
ever less; (let such of them as are of unequal length be used 
on sloping grounds, that they may keep the tops of the nets 
straight, while those of equal length may be used on level 
ground ;) they must allow the nets to be easily put off" and 
on, and must accordingly be smooth at the tips. Let those 
for the road-nets be of twice that length, and those for the 
large nets five spans in length, having small forks, with 
notches by no means deep ; 6 let them all be easy to fix, and 

1 The palm, four fingers' breadths, was about 3 inches. Xenophon 
means that the. opening to receive the hare should be of that size, if the 
notion of the nets in the following note be correct. 

2 Tovc /3po%ov£.] The Rev. W. Dansey, in his Translation of Arrian 
on Coursing (Bohn, 1831), supposes that these flpoxot were slip-knots, or 
running-nooses, at the entrance of a purse in the net, into which the hare, 
supposing it to be an opening by which she might escape, sprung, and be- 
came entangled. Notes on c. 1 and 2. See also Appendix, p. 191. 

3 How these thirty knots were reckoned, says Weiske, I cannot explain. 
The other commentators afford no help. I suppose that thirty knots 
means thirty meshes ; for, counting the knots from edge to edge of the net, 
beginning with a knot at the corner of a half-mesh, the number of the 
knots will be the same as that of the meshes. 

Et bis vicenos spatium prsetendere passus 

Rete velim, plenisque decern consurgere nodis. Gratius, Cyneg. v. 25. 

4 Macrrovg.] These fiaarol appear from Pollux, v. 4, to have been 
loops of cord, in \ivo)v TrXtynara, attached to the corners of the net. The 
name is rather an odd one, but is of course from the shape. 

5 About two feet six inches. This seems to be but a small height for 
the props, when the nets were to be three feet nine inches in depth. But 
all the copies agree in the same reading. 

6 Why this caution is given with regard to the longer more than to the 
shorter props, or why it is given at all, is not apparent. The EC-tcl es, 

ivrfirjpiTa, are, as Weiske observes, the spaces between the prongs. 

336 ON HUNTING. [_CH. 3. 

the thickness of them not disproportionate to the length. As 
to the number of props for the large nets, we may use either 
fewer or more ; fewer, if they are much stretched in their 
position ; more, if they are lax. 1 Let there also be sacks 2 
made of calves'-skin, in which the smaller and larger nets 
may be put, a sack for each; and bill-hooks may also be put 
into them, that the hunter may cut down a portion of the 
wood, and stop up any part that may be necessary. 


Of the two principal sorts of dogs, and their faults. 

1. Of dogs there are two kinds ; the one called Castorian, the 
other of the fox breed. 3 The Castorian have this appellation, 
because Castor, who delighted in the amusement of hunting, 
had most regard for them ; those of the fox breed were so 
termed because they are bred from a dog and a fox, and 
through length of time the natures of the two animals are 
completely amalgamated. 

2. The inferior animals of these two species, 4 which are 
also the more numerous, are of the following sorts : such as 
are small, or have turned -up noses, are blue-eyed, near-sighted, 
ill-shaped, stiff, weak, have thin hair, are long-legged, not well 
proportioned, deficient in spirit or power of scent, or have bad 
feet. 3. The small, from their diminutiveness, often find 

1 For the upper edge of the net, as Weiske remarks, will, if it be but 
loosely stretched, sink down more than if it be tight, and will conse- 
quently require more props to keep it in a proper position. 

8 Sacks or bags drawn together at the mouth with strings. Pollux, v. 31. 

8 Weiske has a long Excursus on this passage, showing that there are more 
than two kinds of dogs, and questioning whether a dog and a fox will breed. 
John Hunter denied the possibility of it, as the dog and the fox are quite 
different species of animals ; Philosoph. Transact, vol. Ixxvii. p. 24 ; 
but he did not live to make the experiment which he intended. Pennant, 
in his " Quadrupeds," and Daniel, in his " Field Sports," are inclined to 
believe in the possibility, and each mentions a case, but not on his own 
knowledge. Xenophon is speaking of the two kinds of dogs adapted for 
hunting hares. Both were Spartan dogs. 

* Sauppe very justly observes that Trkdovq and roiaide in the text rcfe? 
to both the kinds of dogs previously mentioned. 

§ 4— 7.] or" dogs. 337 

their efforts in the chase fruitless; those that have furried-up 
noses are weak in the mouth, and are unable, for this reason, 
to hold . the hare ; the near-sighted and blue-eyed are imper- 
fect in sight, as well as ill-shaped and unpleasing to the eye; 
such as are stiff in the frame come off ill 1 in the pursuit; 
such as are weak, and have thin hair, are unfit to endure 
fatigue ; such as are long-legged, and ill-proportioned, have 
incompact frames, and run heavily ; such as are deficient in 
spirit quit their work, shrink away from the heat of the sun 
into the shade and lie down ; such as are wanting in scent 
hardly ever find the hare ; and such as have bad feet are 
unable, even if they are ever so spirited, to endure the exer- 
tion, but faint away from pain in the feet. 

4. Of tracking the hare there are many different modes 
among the same dogs ; for some, when they have found the 
track, proceed onwards without giving any indication, so that 
it is not known that they are on the track ; others merely 
move their ears, and keep their tail perfectly still ; other 
keep their ears unmoved, but make a motion with the end of 
their tail. 5. Some, again, contract their ears, and, looking 
solemnly down on the track, pursue their way along it with 
their tails lowered and drawn between their legs ; 2 many do 
none of these things, but run madly about the track when 
they have fallen upon it, barking and trampling out the 
scent in the most senseless manner. 6. Others, after making 
many turnings and windings, and getting an inkling of the 
scent in advance of the hare, leave her behind ; whenever they 
run upon the track, they are never certain ; and, when they 
see the hare before them, they give signs of fear, and do not 
advance upon her until they see her start. 7. Whatever dogs, 
again, in tracking and pursuing, run forward and watch fre- 
quently, at the same time, for what other dogs discover, have 
no confidence in themselves. Some, on the other hand, are 
so rash that they do not allow the experienced dogs of the 
pack to precede them, but keep them back with a disturbing 
noise. Others pounce on false scents, and, exulting in what- 
ever they find, take the lead at once, though conscious that 
they are deceiving the rest ; others do the same without being 

1 Fatigued and unsuccessful. Weiske. 

2 Sgotpacrat tt/v otipav (cat 0pa£a<r«i.] Retrahentea caudam atgue into* 
crura condcntes et continentes. Budaeus 

VOL- III. i 

338 ON HUNTING. [CH. 3. 

conscious of it. Such dogs are worthless, too, as never leave 
beaten tracks, and do not know the tracks proper to be fol- 
lowed. 8. Such dogs also as do not know the footsteps 
that lead to the hare's resting-place, and such as pass 
hastily over those which she makes in running, are not of a 
good breed. 

Some start in pursuit of the hare with great speed, but re- 
lax for want of spirit ; some run on, 1 and then miss the scent ; 
others run senselessly into the public roads, and so lose it, and 
show the utmost reluctance to be recalled. Many, abandoning 
the pursuit, turn back through dislike of the hare ; many, from 
longing for the society of their master. Some try to draw 
the other dogs from the track by yelping, making a false scent 
appear to be the true. 2 10. There are some also, which, though 
they do not act thus, yet if, while they are running on, they 
hear a noise on any side, quit their own course, and start off 
foolishly towards it ; for some run after anything in uncer- 
tainty, others fancying strongly that they are getting on a 
track, others imagining they have found one ; some making a 
feint, while others maliciously quit the scent, though they are 
continually straying about close to it. 

ii. Dogs that have such faults, most of them perhaps from 
nature, but some from having been unskilfully trained, are of 
little service. Such dogs, indeed, may disgust people with 
hunting who have a strong turn for it. But of what descrip- 
tion dogs of this species 3 ought to be, as to their shapes and 
other qualities, I will now proceed to show. 

1 'YiroQeovai.] " Run after other dogs." Leunclavius* " Cursu 
sequi." Sturz, Lex. Xen. 

2 'Ek tu>v ixvGJv KucXayyvlat, i^a-narav ireipaivrai, aXriBrj to. ipEvdTj 
iroiov/xevai.] Nonnullce ex vestigiis latrantcs aoducere tentaut, pro vcris 
fdlsa simulantes. Leunclavius. " Quelques-uns essaient de tromper en 
c'abaudant hors de la passee, pour persuader qu'ils tiennent la veritable." 
(fail. Xenophon seems to attribute to dogs more cunning than they 
really possess. 

4 Tov ai/Tol y'tvovc ] " Of this same species," that is, hunting-dog*. 



Of the qualities necessary in dogs. Of the proper times fcr exercising them. 

l. In the first place, then, they ought to be large ; and, in 
the next, they should have their heads light, short, and sinewy; 
the lower jaw muscular ; the eyes up-raised, 1 black, and 
bright ; the face large and broad ; the line dividing the eyes 
deep ; the ears small, thin, and without hair on the back ; the 
neck long, flexible, and round ; the breast broad and not 
without flesh ; the shoulder-blades standing out a little apart 
from the shoulders; 2 the fore-legs small, straight, round, wiry; 
the knees straight ; 3 the sides should not hang down very 
deep, but run along obliquely; 4 the loins should be fleshy 
[their size a medium between long and short], and not too 
soft or too hard ; the upper flanks something between large 
and small ; the hips should be round, fleshy towards the hinder 
part, not drawn together at the upper, 5 but closely joined 
within ; 6 the part below the flank, and the lower flank 7 itself, 
should be loose ; the tail long, straight, sharp-pointed ; the 
thighs firm ; the lower part of the thighs 8 long, full, compact; 

1 Sint celsi vultus. Gratius, Cyneg. v. 269. 

2 " Let dogs have shoulders standing wide apart, not tied together, but 
as loose and free from each other as possible," says Arrian, c. 5. 

3 The joints of the knee should not be prominent. Pollux, v. 10. 

* The sides, says Pollux, v. 10, should not be fiaQvvontvai irpbg rifv 
yrjv, not "hang deep down towards the ground." Nor should they^ says 
Xenophon, run parallel to the ground, but oblique to it, or forming an 
angle with it. So Appian, I. 408, praises TrXtvpibv tTriicdpcrta rapaa. JBt 
substricta gerens Sicyonius ilia Ladon, Ov. Met. hi. 2io. The words in 
brackets should probably be ejected. 

4 There should be " a broad space between the hips," says Markham, 
Country Contentments, B. I. p. 48. 

6 "Ej/£o0ev fit 7rpoaecTTa\[ikva.] Coxas interius contractus. Leuncla- 
vias. " Comme se rapprochant interierement." Gail. The two 
haunches should seem as it were firmly knit together. 

7 Td tcdrwOtv ra>v Ktvt&vuiv, &c] "The terms Xayovec and Ktviwvf£ 
are often confounded. Arrian and Xenophon use the term \ayoveg to 
designate (speaking anatomically) that part of the lumbar region behind 
the last >r short ribs, where the kidneys are situate, the upper and anteri- 
or part of the flanks ; Ktvewvtg, the lower and posterior part of the flanksu" 
Rev. W. Dansey's translation of Arrian on Coursing (Bohn, 1831), c. 1 5, 
note. Weiske understands the words in a similar way. 

• 'XiroKw\ia.~\ Partes femoribtis subjectas. Leunclavius. 

z 2 

S40 ON HUNTING. [CH. 4. 

the hinder legs much longer than those in front, and some- 
what lean ; the feet round. 1 

2. If the dogs be shaped thus, they will be strong, agile, 
symmetrical, swift ; will have pleasing looks and good mouths. 
3. They must, as they seek for scent, be easily called off from 
beaten tracks, sloping their heads down to the ground, looking 
cheerfully as they come upon the track, hanging down their 
ears, glancing quickly about with their eyes, and wagging 
their tails ; and thus let them proceed, with many windings, 
along the track of the hare to the place where she lies. 4. 
When they come near the hare, let them make the fact mani- 
fest to the huntsman by moving about more quickly, signify- 
ing it also by increased ardour, by the motion of their heads, 
by their glances, by the change in their movements, by look- 
ing up, and looking onward to the seat of the hare, by jumping 
forward, and backward, and sideways, and by showing that they 
are really elated in their hearts, and rejoiced that they are close 
upon the hare. 5. They should pursue vigorously, and never 
relax, with great noise and barking, ar.d turning in every 
direction with the hare, 2 [and should follow swiftly and unmis- 
takeably, frequently winding about, and yelping only for good 
reason ;] 3 and they should never leave the track to return to 
the huntsman. 

6. With this shape, and this action, they should be spirit- 
ed, sound in the feet, keen-scented, and have good hair. They 
will be spirited, if they do not shrink from the chase even 
when the heat prevails; they will be keen-scented, if they 
smelF the hare in bare, arid, sunny 4 places, when the sun 5 is 
hich up in the sky ; they will be sound in the feet, if their 
ieet are not injured as they run over the mountains in the 
same season of the year ; and they will have good hair, if they 
have it fine, and thick, and soft. 

7. As to the colour of dogs, it should not be altogether 

• ' : ' -" His round cat-foot, straight hams, and wide-spread thighs." 

Sornerville's Ckace, B. I 

2 The words in brackets have been suspected of being spurious. Din- 
dorf retains them without any distinctive mark. 

3 Aticaiwc.] This may be regarded as said in opposition to the remark 
about the deceitfulness of dogs in c. 3, sect. 9 Sauppe. 

4 For the heat of the sun dissipates the scent. Zeune. 

5 Toil dffTpov iiii6vTQ£.~\ Brodaeus supposed that by aaroov was meant 
Vtie dog-star ; but Zeune and Sturz very reasonably concur in thinking 
maa n aiguilles uie etui. 


red, or black, or white ; for such colours are not the signs of 
3t good breed, but of a common and wild sort. 8. Such as are 
red or black should have white hair, and such as are white, 
red hair, growing about the face. On the upper part of the 
thighs they should have hair growing straight and long, as 
well as on the loins and at the extremity of the tail ; at the 
upper part of the tail they should have but a moderate quan- 
tity of hair. 

9. It will be proper to take out the dogs frequently over 
hilly grounds, and but seldom over cultivated fields ; for on 
the hills they may track and pursue the hare without obstruc- 
tion ; but on cultivated lands they can do neither, on account 
of the paths. 1 10. It is well, too, to take the dogs, even when 
they do not find the hare, over rough ground ; for they thus 
strengthen their feet, and are also benefited by exercising 
their bodies over such land. 11. In summer they should be 
taken out till noon ; in winter, through the whole day : in 
autumn, after noon ; in spring, before evening; for these are 
the times when the temperature is moderate. 


Of the tracks, scent, and habits of hares. 

I. The tracks of the hare are long in winter, on account 
of the length of the nights ; 2 in summer they are short, for 
the contrary reason. In winter, too, there is no scent from 
them in the morning, whenever there is hoar frost or icej 3 
for the hoar frost, by its influence, draws the heat into it and 
retains it, while the ice congeals it. 2. Those dogs, according- 
ly, which have dull noses, are unable to scent the track when 
there is such weather, until the sun, or the advance of the 

1 As the beaten tracks or paths are apt to draw them off ihe scent and 
mislead them. See ^Elian, Hist. An. xiii. 24. 

2 As the hare has then time to go over much ground. 

3 Yla\vr] q Trayi.T0Q.~\ Pruina and gelu are the significations given to 
these words -by Zeune ; and Schneidei concurs with him. Some editors 
have been in doubt respecting them. 

342 ON HUNTING. [CH. 5. 

day, relaxes the frost and ice; and then the dogs can smell, 
and the track itself, while it sends up a vapour, gives forth 
also a scent. 3. Much dew, too, dulls the scent by keeping 
it down ; l and rains, which fall after long intervals, raise 
odours from the ground, and render the track of the hare 
difficult to scent, until they are dried up. 2 Southerly winds 
also make the scent fainter, for they spread moisture through 
the air; but northerly winds fix the scent, if it has not 
previously been dispelled, 3 and preserve it. 4. Rains, in 
general, and dews drown it ; and the moon dulls it by her 
warmth, 4 especially when it is full. Scent, indeed, is then 
most scarce ; for the hares, pleased with the light, and jump- 
ing up, as they sport with one another, place their steps at 
long intervals. Scent is perplexed, also, when foxes have 
crossed the ground previously. 

5. The spring, from the temperature of the weather, 
renders the scent exceedingly clear, unless perchance the 
ground, where it is covered with flowers, may inconvenience 
the dogs, by mingling the odour of the flowers with that of 
the hare. In summer it is weak and uncertain ; for the 
ground, being warm, absorbs the warmth which the scent has, 
and which is but slight ; while the dogs have at that time 
less power of smelling, because their bodies are relaxed. 
In the autumn the scent is clear ; for of the productions which 
the earth yields, those which are cultivated have been then 
gathered in, and the wild have withered away ; so that the 
odours of the plants do not trouble the scent by mingling with 
it. 6. The tracks, also, in winter and summer, as well as in 
autumn, are mostly straight; but in spring they are perplexed; 
for the animals, which are indeed perpetually coupling, 
couple most at this season, and hence, by straying about with 
one another hither and hither, they necessarily produce this 

7. From the step3 which a hare takes in going to her 

1 KarcHpipovaa.] Deprimendo, supprimendo. Zeune. 

2 \p v X^y J Exsiccetur. Leunclavius. 

3 'E&v y akvra.~\ The cold attendant on the north-wind fixes the 
scent, if the violence with which it blows has not previously dissipated 
it. I follow Weiske in the interpretation of aXvra. 

* The ancients supposed that a portion of gentle heat proceeded from 
the moon, as appears from Plutarch, Q.N. c. 24; Sympos. hi. 10 j 
Ariatot. Gen. Animal, iv. 10; Macrob. Saturn vii. 16. 

§ 8 — 13.] TRACKING AND SCENTING. 343 

resting-place there arises a stronger scent than from those 
which she takes in running away from it ; for those which 
she takes in going thither are made at a slower and irregular 
pace, 1 those which she takes in running from it, at a quicker; 
the ground is accordingly saturated with the scent of the one, 
but is not even filled with that of the other. 

The scent is stronger, likewise, on woody than on bare 
ground; for the hare, as she runs about, and occasionally 
rests, touches many objects. 8. Hares sink down on what- 
ever the earth produces or has on it, under all kinds of things, 
or above them, or among them, or close by them, or at some 
distance, great or small, from them or within them; 2 some- 
times springing, too, as far as they can, over the sea, or into 
water, if there be anything rising above it or growing on it. 
9; The hare, when it wishes to settle, makes its nest, for the 
most part, in warm spots, when it is cold ; when it is hot, in 
shady ones ; in spring and autumn, in places exposed to the 
sun : those that are unsettled may act otherwise, from being 
scared by dogs. 10. As it reclines, it draws the inner part 
of the thighs 3 under its flanks, putting the fore-legs together, 
for the most part, and stretching them out, resting the chin 
on the tips of the feet, and spreading the ears over the 
shoulder-blades ; by which means it covers the soft parts of 
the neck ; 4 and it has also its hair as a protection, being 
thick and soft. 11. When it is awake, it winks with its 
eyelids ; but when it is asleep, the eyelids are raised and 
fixed, and the eyes continue unmoved ; also, while asleep, it 
moves its nostrils frequently, but when not asleep, less often. 

12. When the ground is giving forth herbage, the cultivated 
plains attract the hare more than the hills. It stops, when it 
is tracked, in any place whatever, unless it be excessively 
frightened at night ; when it is thus affected, it hastens off to 
other parts. 13. It is so prolific an animal, that when the 
female has brought forth, she is ready to bring forth again, 

1 'E<pi<TTafievog.'] Interdum subsistens. Schneider. 

2 M£Ttt£u T6vT<ov.~\ Intra easdem res, so that the hare sits upon the 
bare ground, but sheltered on all sides by the objects with which she is 
surrounded. Weiske. 

3 'T7ro(cwX<rt.] Partes femorum interiores. Zeune. 

4 To vypa.~\ That is, the back parts of the neck, which are soft and 
tender. Brodmus. " The tender parts." Blane. 

344 ON HUNTING. [CH. 5. 

and is at the same time conceiving a third brood. 1 From the 
young hares there is more scent than from the full-grown ; for, 
as their limbs are weak, they drag them all along upon the 
ground. 1-4. The very young ones the huntsmen let go, from 
respect to the goddess. 2 Those that are a year old run their 
first heat with great speed ; the others not so swiftly, for, 
though they are nimble, they are not strong. 

15. To find the track of the hare, it is necessary to take the 
dogs by the parts above the cultivated grounds; 3 (such of 
the hares as do not come into cultivated lands betake them- 
selves to meadows, glades, banks of streams, rocks, or woods ;) 
and if the hare move, we must take care not to cry out, lest 
the dogs should be startled, 4 and find a difficulty in following 
the track. 16. When they are discovered by the dogs, and 
pursued, they sometimes cross over brooks, and double, 
and slink away into clefts and tortuous hiding-places ; for 
they fear not only dogs, but also eagles, since, as they pass 
over flat slopes and open places, they are frequently carried 
off by them, whilst they are under a year old. The older 
ones the dogs pursue and carry off. 

17. Those that frequent the hills are the swiftest, those in 
the plains are less so, and those that are about marshy grounds 
are the slowest. Those that wander over all sorts of ground 
are more difficult to pursue, for they know the short cuts ; 
and they run chiefly up slopes or along level spots; over 
unequal ground they run irregularly, and least of all down- 

18. When they are pursued, they are seen best on land that 
is turned up, if they hi* ve a little redness of colour; 5 and they 
are also seen well on stubble, by the light reflected on them ; fi 

1 Superfoetation is attributed to hares by many writers of antiquity, as 
Aristot. Hist. An. iv. 5 ; JSlian, Hist. An. ii. 12 ; Herodot. iii. 108 ; Pliny, 
H. N. viii. 55; and Sir Thomas Brown, in his Vulgar Errors, bears 
testimony to it from his own observation. 

2 Diana. 

3 He means that we are to send the dogs down into the fields from the 
higher grounds Sauppe. 

* 'E/c0povf£.] Blane renders the word, " being made too eager.' 
Leunclavius, " attonitae." 

5 Xenophon speaks of some being of a yellowish colour, sect. 22. 

6 'Avravyvav.^ Splendoris reflexionem. Leunclavius. The light re- 
flected from the stubble or straw on the hare. Suidas speaks of light 
being thus reflected from snow, v. avravytiQ. 

§ 19— 26. J HUNTING THE HARK 345 

they appear very plain, too, along paths and roads, at least 
such as are level ; for the bright hue of their hair strikes the 
eye ; but when they run away among stones, and hills, and 
rocky and woody ground, they are not easily perceived, on 
account of the similarity of the colour. 

19. When they are in advance of the dogs, they will stop 
and squat down, and then raise themselves up to listen 
whether any barking or noise of dogs is near them ; and, on 
whatever quarter they hear any, they turn away from it. 
20. Sometimes, also, when they hear none, but fancy or are 
persuaded in themselves that they hear some, they run re- 
peatedly by and over the same ground, varying their steps, 
and making track upon track. 21, Those make the longest 
runs which are found on open grounds, from the view being 
unobstructed ; those run the shortest distance which are 
started from woody places, as the obscurity is a hindrance to 

22. There are two sorts of hares ; for some are large and 
blackish, and have a great deal of white in the face ; while 
others are smaller and somewhat yellow, and have but little 
white. 23. Some have the tail varied with rings of different 
colours ; others have it streaked. 1 Some have the eyes grey- 
ish, others somewhat blue. In some the black at the tips ol 
the ears spreads over a large space ; in others, over but a 
small one. 24. The lesser sort most of the islands contain; 
as well the desert as the inhabited ; and they are more numer- 
ous in the islands than on continents, for there are in most oi 
them neither foxes, which attack and destroy both them and 
their young ones, nor eagles, which large mountains rather 
than small produce, and the mountains in islands are generally 
of the less elevated sort. 25. Hunters, too, come but seldom 
into desert islands ; and on those which are inhabited there 
are but few people, and comparatively few of them given, to 
hunting ; while into the sacred islands it is not lawful even to 
transport dogs. Since, therefore, the inhabitants hunt but 
few of those which exist, and which are constantly multiplying, 
there must be a great number of them. 

26. The hare has not a keen sight, for many reasons ; for 

' Tlapaotipov.] Albedine insignem longiore spatio. Lennciavins* 
' An den Suiten weiss." Lenz. " Auf den Seiten der Lau^e uach ges 
ti eil't • ' ' C'hr it tian. 

846 ON HUNTING. [CH. 5. 

it has its eyes prominent, and the eye-lids small, affording no 
projection for the eye-balls ; and their sight is on this account 
dim and dispersed. 1 27. In addition to this, the animal, being 
much given to sleep, is by that means not improved in its 
sight. 2 The swiftness with which it runs, too, tends greatly 
to trouble its vision ; for it turns off its eyes from objects be- 
fore it can perceive what they are. The terror from the dogs, 
likewise, following upon it with them when it is chased, 
deprives it of all power of foresight ; and hence it runs 
against many objects, and falls into nets, before it is aware. 
29. If it ran, however, straight onwards, it would but seldom 
meet with such mishaps ; but, as it winds about, and feels an 
attraction towards the place in which it was born and bred, 
it is consequently captured. Yet it is not often captured by 
the dogs by speed of foot ; but such as are caught are caught 
in spite of their natural conformation, and under the influence 
of chance ; for of all animals that exist, no one of the same 
size is equal to the hare in swiftness ; such is the nature of 
the parts of which its body is composed. 

30. It has a head light, small, looking downwards, and nar- 
row in the forepart ; a neck slender, round, not stiff, and of a 
proper length ; shoulder-blades straight, and not contracted at 
the top ; 3 the legsjoinedtothem, lightand well attached ; 4 the 
breast not heavy with flesh ; 5 the sides light and symmetrical ; 
the loins agile ; the hams fleshy ; the flanks yielding and 
sufficiently loose ; the hips round, full everywhere, and separ- 
ated above by a proper interval ; the thighs long, of due 
thickness, tense on the outside, and not turgid within ; the 
hind legs long and firm ; the fore feet extremely flexible, 
narrow, and straight ; 6 the hind ones firm and broad ; all the 

1 Because, according to Xenophon's notion, the eyes, from being pro- 
minent, emit rays in all directions, dispersing or diffusing them. Weiske. 
This was probably the notion of the ancients in general about th s matter. 

8 The eyes not being sufficiently exercised. 

3 Comp. c. 4, sect. 1. 

4 SrijjGoc ov fi~apvTOvov.~\ Weiske supposes ov fiapvTovov to be equi- 
valent to ov fiapewg Kara rtivov, "not drawing down heavily," or to the 
term which Pollux uses in speaking on the same subject, ov aapKubdeg. 

s t YiroKU)\ta.~\ This word seems to mean here, all the part between the 
hams and the feet. Comp. sect. 10. 

* SuyjcwAa.] Partibus bene junctis. Leunclavius. Compacta. Phi 

§ 31 —34.] Nl-UBLENESS OF THE HARE. 347 

feet caring nothing for rough ground ; the hind legs much 
thicker than the fore ones, and bending a little outwards ; the 
hair short and light. 31. Accordingly it is impossible that 
an animal composed of such parts should not be strong, agile, 
and extremely nimble. 

That it is nimble we have" sufficient proof; for when it 
goes along quietly, it proceeds by leaps ; no man has ever seen 
it, or ever will see it, walking ; but, putting the hind feet in 
advance of the fore feet, and on the outside of them, it springs 
forward. This is plainly seen by the marks which it makes 
on the snow. 32. It has a tail, however, not very conducive 
to speed ; for it cannot steer the body on account of its short- 
ness ; but the animal produces this effect by the alternate ac- 
tion of the ears, continuing it, even when it is on the very 
point of being caught by the dogs ; for, lowering one ear, and 
turning it obliquely on the side on which it is threatened 
with annoyance, it first sways itself in that direction, 1 and 
then turns off suddenly in the other, and leaves its pursuers 
behind in a moment. 

33. It is so pleasing an animal, that no one who sees it, 
whether when it is tracked and discovered, or when it is pur- 
sued or caught, would not forget whatever other object he ad- 
mired. 2 

34. In hunting on cultivated grounds, the huntsman must 
abstain from injuring the fruits of the season, and must leave 
springs and streams 3 undisturbed ; for to interfere with these 
is contrary to propriety and morality, and it is to be feared that 
those who see such proceedings may set the law at defiance. 4 

1 'Airtpeidofievog #i) tig tovto v7rooTps0«rai.] There has been much 
doubt about the sense, as well as the reading, of these words. 1 have 
given them that interpretation which seems to he required. 

2 'E7riXa0cur' av el rov sp^rj.] " On this point alone I cannot agree 
with my namesake. I allow indeed that a man may forget every other 
object of which he is enamoured, when he sees a hare found and pursued 
at speed ; hut to see her taken is, I own, neither a pleasant nor striking 
spectacle; but disagreeable rather, and not at all likely to make us for- 
getful of other objects of attachment. Yet we must not blame Xeno- 
phon, considering he was ignorant of greyhounds, if even the capture of a 
hare appeared to him a grand sight." Arrian, c. 17, Dansey's Transla- 

9 Because fountains and streams were regarded as sacred, says Blane. 
No commentator has found a better reason. 

* Xenophon exhorts hunters to do no injury to the fruits of the earth, 
and not to violate the sanctity of springs and rivers, lest others should 

548 ON. HUNTINfJ- - [CH. U 

When it is not a time for hunting. 1 it will be proper to re- 
move 2 all the hunting implemenls. 


Of the equipment for dogs, § 1. Of the management of the dogs, and time 
for hunting, 2 — 4. Ot ths net-keeper, 5 — 10. Of the hunter's dress and 
modes of proceeding, 11 — ^6. 

1. The equipments for dogs are collars, 3 leashes, and girths. 4 
Let the collars be soft as well as broad, that they may not 
wear off the dog's hair. Let the leashes have loops for the 
hand attached to them, but nothing else ; for those who form 
the collars out of the leashes 5 do not manage well for their 
dogs. Let the girths have broad bands, that they may not 
frail their flanks ; and let there be iron points stitched into 
them, that they may protect the breeds. 

2. But it is improper to take dogs out to hunt, whenever 
they do not readily take the food that is put before them, as 
this is a sufficient indication that they are out of health ; or 
whenever the wind blows very strong, as the wind scatters 
the scent, and the dogs are unable to catch it, nor will the 
nets, either small or large, stand. 8. When neither of these 
obstacles presents itself, however, we should take them out 
every third day. 

Foxes we should not accustom the dogs to hunt, for it is a 

be led by their example to pay less respect to law and custom. So Weiske 
and Portus understand the passage. 

' 'Avaypia.] On festival days, I suppose, on which it was forbidden 
by law to hunt. Weiske. Sauppe agrees with him. 

2 'AvaXvuv.'] Refigere. That is, if Weiske's notion of avaypia be 
right, we must not leave even the nets standing on festival days. 

3 Akpaia."\ Atpaiov is ifidg nXarvg mpi rip rpaxv^W> " a broad 
strap about the neck." Pollux, v. 55. 

4 SrtX/ioWai.] Girths or broad belts passing round from the collar on 
each side the body to protect it, as well as for the purpose mentioned at 
the end of the section. Pollux, v. 55. " Surcingles to guard the body." 

5 That is, make the leash and collar out of one piece of leather. We 
**an hardly conceive how so foolish a practice could have been adopted. 

6 'Qg fit) oxevoiro r} KVit)V, rov \ir\ » T-"7r\rj<76'//vai tZ iyivvm 

Xoipt*. i'oliux, v. 55. 

§4- -6.] MANAGEMENT OF DOGS. 3 19 

great means of spoiling them, and they lose their readiness tc 
follow where you require. 1 

4. You should take them to hunt on different grounds at 
different times, in order that they may experience varieties 
in the chase, and that you yourself may become acquainted 
with the country. You should go out with them in the 
morning, that they may not fail of finding the track ; for 
those who go out late deprive the dogs of all chance of find- 
ing the hare, and themselves of all profit from their efforts ; 
for the consistence of the scent, which is very subtle, does 
not remain the same throughout all the hours of the day. 2 

5. Let the attendant that has charge of the nets go out to 
hunt in a dress that is not at all heavy ; and let him fix the 
nets about passages 3 that are rough, sloping, open, or dark, 
and about brooks, glades, or waterfalls that are constantly 
running down ravines (for it is in such places that the hare 
mostly seeks refuge ; to how many others she may flee it 
would be endless to specify) ; 6. and let him set them at tracks 
that run along by these or across them, whether they be 
plainly marked or scarcely perceptible, placing them at 
dawn and not earlier, lest, if the part where they are fixed be: 
near the hunting-grounds, the animal may be frightened at 
hearing the noise. Should the two places, however, be at a 
considerable distance from each other, that circumstance will 
put less restraint on those who clear the place for fixing the 
nets, that nothing may interfere with them. 4 

1 'Ev T(p dtovTt.~\ When you want them to hunt the hare, they are 
ready to be drawn away by the scent of a fox, if it cross their path. 
1 Seneca, Hippol. 41 : 

Dum lux dubia est, dum signa pedum 
Roscida tellus impressa tenet. 
Nemesian, v. 324: 

Venenum, dum mane novum, dum mollia prata 
Nocturnis calcata feris vestigia servant. 
Gratius, v. 223 : 

Prhnae lucis opus ; turn signa vapore ferino 
Intemerata legens. 
So Apol. Rhod. v. 111. Sauppe. 

3 Ap6juov£.] Openings or paths wh .re the hare runs, or is likely to 

4 There is some difference among the editors as to the collocation and 
connexion of some words here ; I have deserted Dindorf and followed 
Sauppe. _ . . . 

350 ON HUNTING. "jll. 6 

7. He who has the management of the nets should fix the 
props sloping forward, 1 that when they are pulled they may 
offer resistance. 2 Let him put the loops uniformly on the 
tops, 3 and fix the props regularly, putting the higher ones to- 
wards the centre of the hollow part of the net. 8. To the end 
of the rope that runs round the net let him attach along large 
stone, in order that the net, when it has caught the hare, may 
not be pulled in the contrary direction. Let him carry his 
nets in a long range, as well as have them high, that the hare 
may not leap over. In tracking the hare, he should make no 
delay ; 4 for it is sportsman-like, as well as a proof of fondness 
for exertion, to use every means to capture the animal 

9. The larger nets let him fix on level spots, and road-nets 
at the roads, stretching them from the roads in proper direc- 
tions, 5 attaching the rones that run round the nets to the 
ground, bringing the extremities together, 6 fixing the stakes 
between the edges, 7 putting the ropes running at the top of 
the net on the points of them, and stopping up the inter- 
vals. 8 io. Let him then walk round and keep watch ; if any 
stake or net give way, let him put it up ; if the hare is pur- 
sued towards the nets, let him allow her to go straight for- 
ward, and then run after and shout ; and when the hare has 
fallen into the nets, let him check the impetuosity of the dogs, 
not by touching them, but by calling to them ; and let him 

1 Towards the have. Weiske. That is, towards the quarter from 
which the hare is likely to come towards the net. 

2 That they may be less likely to be pulled over when the hare rur* 
into the net and struggles to extricate herself. 

3 An equal number of loops or meshes on each prop. Sshneider. 

4 The soundness of the text in this passage is very doubtful. 'Yirtp- 
€a\\eo9ai, or v-Ktpip&aXktaQai, most of the interpreters translate by 

5 'Ejc tu>v Tpififiojv tig to. crvfityspovTa.] Opportitnis extra ipsos trami- 
tes locis. Leunclavius. This seems to be the only true interpretation of 
these words. Weiske would have them signify "at the parts meeting 
from paths," i. e. at places where two or more paths meet, and he is fol- 
lowed by the Latin translator in Didot's edition of Dindorf. Schneider 
objects to Weiske's notion. 

6 Bringing the extremities of the net at the top towards one another, so 
that the net may form part of a circle ; or, as Sauppe thinks, connecting 
the extreme edges of two nets. 

T These, apparently, must be the edges of two nets meeting. 

* 'Id irapahpopa .] Any openings by which the hare might run past 


signify to the huntsman, by crying out, that the hare is taken, 
or that it has gone by on this or that side, or that he has not 
seen it, or where he saw it. 

11. The huntsman should go out to the chase in a plain light 
dress, with shoes of a similar description, and with a thick 
staff in his hand ; the man who manages the nets should fol- 
low him ; and they should proceed to the hunting-ground in 
silence, lest the hare, if she happen to be near, should run off 
on hearing their voices. 12. Having tied the dogs to trees, 
each separately, that they may be easily unfastened, let them 
fix the smaller and larger nets, as has been said ; and then let 
the net-keeper continue on the watch, while the huntsman 
takes the dogs and proceeds to bring the prey towards the 
net. 1 13. Next vowing to Apollo and to Diana the Huntress 
to offer them a share of what is captured, let him loose that 
one of his dogs which is most skilful in tracking ; and let this 
be done, if it is winter, at sunrise ; if summer, before day- 
break ; and at other seasons between the two. 14. When the 
dog, out of all the tracks that intersect one another, has 
found the right one, let the hunter set loose another dog, and 
when this one has gained the track, let him loose the others 
one by one at no long intervals, and follow them, not urging 
them, but calling each by name, yet not frequently, lest they 
should be excited before the proper time. 15. The dogs will 
hasten forward with joy and spirit, discovering two or three 
tracks, as the case may be, proceeding along and over them., 
as they intersect, form circles, run straight or winding, are 
strong or weak, recognised or unrecognised ; the animals 
passing by one another, waving their tails about incessantly, 
hanging down their ears, and casting bright gleams from 
their eyes. 16. When they are near the hare, they will make 
it known to the huntsman by shaking not only their tails but 
their whole bodies, advancing as it were with hostile ardour, 
hastening emulously past each other, running resolutely in 
concert, coming quickly together, separating, and again ad- 
vancing, till at last they will hit upon the hare's hiding-place, 
and rush towards her. 17. She, starting up suddenly, will 
raise behind her, as she flees, a loud barking and clamour 
from the dogs ; and then let the men call after her, as she is 

1 Eig viraydjyrjv tov Kwriyecriov.] Ad lepores callide inducendos. 

352 ON HUNTING. [CH. 6, 

pursued, " Forward, dogs, forward ! Right,- dogs ! Well don* 3 , 
dogs !" and then let the huntsman, wrapping his cloak round 
his hand, 1 and taking his staff, run along the track of the dogs 
toward the hare, taking care not to come in the teeth of them, 
i'qr that would perplex them. 2 18. The hare, retreating and 
soon getting out of sight, will in general come round again to 
the place from which she was started. The huntsman must 
cry, " Upon her, boy, upon her ! Now boy, now boy !" and 
the boy must intimate whether she is caught or not. If she 
is caught in the first run, he must call in the dogs, and s^ek 
for another; if not, he must still run on with the dogs with 
all possible speed, not relaxing, but hurrying forward with 
the utmost exertion. 19. If the dogs, as they pursue, fall in 
with her again, he must shout, " Well done, well done, dogs ! 
Follow, dogs!" and if the dogs get far before him, and he is 
unable, pursuing their track, to come up with them, but misses 
the way which they have taken, or cannot see them, though 
they are straying about somewhere near, or yelping, or keep- 
ing on the scent, he may, as he runs on, call out to any one 
that he meets, and ask, " Have you seen my dogs anywhere ?" 

20. When he has discovered where they are, he may, if they 
are on the track, go up to them and encourage them, repeat- 
ing, as often as he can, the name of each dog, and varying 
the tones of his voice, making it sharp or grave, or gentle or 
strong. In addition to other exhortations, he may. if the 
pursuit is on a hill, call out thus, " Well done, dogs ! Well 
done!" but if they are not on the track, but have gone be- 
yond it, he must call to them, " Come back, come back, dogs !" 

21. After they have come upon the track, he must lead them 
round, 3 making many and frequent windings ; and wherever the 
scent is obscure, he ought to take a stake as a mark for himself, 4 

' "O a,uTrk\iTai.'\ " That with which he is clad," i. e. his outer gar- 
itif at. For a protection against the dogs, as it would seem. Pollux, v. 3, 
shaking of hunting the larger beasts, says that the hunter "must wrap 
his cloak round his hand, when he has to pursue or contend with them." 

2 "Xttoqov yap.] Periculosum enim est. Leonicenus. Difficultatem 
afferat. Sephanus. "The hare would in that case be turned aside or 
driven off." Weiske. 

3 " If the dogs are anywhere at fault," says Gratius, ver. 224, " the 
hunter makes a wider circuit, and, when they have found the true scent* 
pursues it directly." 

4 Y,rjfifXov 9'fjdai aroixov eavr(p.~\ It is quite uncertain what is the sig- 

8 12-^15.] HOW TO ENCOURAGE THE DOGS. 353 

and draw the dogs round by this, cheering and sooth- 
ing them, until they plainly recognise the track. )?. 
They, as soon as the track is clear, will throw themselves 
forward, and leap from side to side, will seem to have a com- 
mon feeling, and to be forming conjectures, making signs to 
one another, and fixing as it were recognised bounds for 
themselves, 1 and will start forward quickly in pursuit ; but 
while they thus run hither and thither over the track, you 
must not urge them or run on with them, lest through eager- 
ness they should go beyond it. 13. But when they are close 
upon the hare, and make it plain to the huntsman that they 
are so, he must take care lest through fear of the dogs she 
dart off in advance. The dogs themselves, whisking about 
their tails, running against and frequently leaping over one 
another, yelping, tossing up their heads, looking towards the 
huntsman, and intimating that these are the true tracks of the 
hare, will rouse her of themselves, 2 and spring upon her with 
loud cries. 14. Should she run into the nets, or flee past 
them, whether on the outside or the inside, let the net-keeper, 
who is stationed at each of these parts, call out that such is 
the case. Should the hare be captured, the huntsman may 
proceed to seek another ; if not, he may still continue to pur- 
sue her, using the same incitements to the dogs as before. 

15. When the dogs are tired with running, and it is late in 
the day, the hunter may still continue to seek 3 for the hare, 
which will also be tired, leaving nothing unexamined of all 
that the earth produces or has upon it, making frequent turn- 
ings about, that the animal may not escape him (for it lies in 
a small space, and sometimes shrinks from leaving it through 
weariness and terror), leading forward the dogs, animating 
them, cheering such as are docile with many words of en- 

mfication of GroT^oc in this passage. Schneider supposes Xenophon to 
mean, that the hunter should keep one of the props of the nets in his eye, 
as the point round which he is to bring the dogs. Leunclavius renders 
ffToix°Q by indago, or the whole range of nets. Blane has, " draw the 
dogs along hy the nets." 

1 For they return from time to time to the place where the scent is 
strong, and from thence commence the pursuit, as it were, anew. Weiske. 

2 'Y(p' avru>v dva<TTricrov<n rbv Xayw.] Leporem ultro excitabunt. Li 
onicenus and Leunclavius. Per se ipsas leporetn excitabunt. Lat. Ten 
sn Didot's edition of Dindorf 's text. 

3 Supposing he has been unsuccessful. 
vol in. 2 A 

354 ON HUNTING. [CH. 7. 

couragement, such as are intractable with but few, and such 
as are of an intermediate character with a moderate number, 
until he either kill the hare by tracking it, or drive it into 
the nets. 16. When this is done, let him take up his nets, 
small and large, and, after having rubbed down the dogs, quit 
the hunting-field, stopping occasionally, if it be noontide in 
summer, that the dogs' feet may not become sore on the way. 


Of breeding and training the dogs. 

1. In the winter it is proper to let the females rest from 
labour, and to attend to breeding, that, from enjoying repose, 
they may produce a stout offspring towards the spring ; for 
that season is particularly favourable for the growth of dogs. 
During fourteen days the want of the male 1 affects them. 
2. It is proper to take them to vigorous dogs after their ar- 
dour is somewhat remitted, 2 that they may conceive the 
sooner, and, while they are pregnant, not to take them out to 
hunt constantly, but only at intervals, lest they should mis- 
carry from too much exertion. They go with young sixty days. 

3. When the puppies are born, we must leave them with 
the mother, and not put them to another dog ; for the nurture 
of strange dogs does not sufficiently contribute to growth ; but 
the milk and breath of their mothers is good for them, and 
their caresses pleasing. 

4. After the puppies are able to run about, we must give 
them milk for a year, with those sorts of food on which they 
are to live always, and nothing else ; for much over-feeding 
of puppies distorts their legs, and produces diseases in their 

1 *H dvdyKr} avTrj.] Impetus ad Venerem. Weiske. 

2 YLcLTcnravofikvaQ.~\ Weiske supposed that these words meant reqtdes- 
centes a coitu, interposito justo temporis spatio. But Schneider, with 
greater reason, understands rrjg aWyjojc, and makes the sense cum paul- 
latim remisit ardor libidinis, an interpretation fully supported by Aris- 
totle, H. A. vi. 20. Weiske's interpretation is at variance, as Sauppa 
observes, with what Aristotle says in the same passage, kvigkitcii St Kvutv 
Ik ftiag oxtiag 

§ 5 — 10.] TRAINING OF PUPPIES. 355 

bodies ; and their interior parts are thus rendered* unsound. 

5. We should give them short names, that it may be easy 
to call them. They ought to be such as these: Psyche, 1 
Thymus, 2 Porpax, 3 Styrax, 4 Lonche, 5 Lochos, 6 Phrura, 7 Phy- 
lax, 8 Taxis, 9 Xiphon, 10 Phonax, n Phlegon, 12 Alce, 13 Teuchon, 14 
Hyleus, 15 Medas, 16 Porthon, 17 Sperchon, 18 Orge, 19 Bremon, 20 
Hybris, 21 Thalion, 22 Rhome, 23 Antheus, 24 Hebe, 25 Getheus, 26 
Chara, 27 Leusson, 28 Augo, 29 Polys, 30 Bia, 31 Stichon, 32 Speude, 33 
Bryas, 34 CEnas, 35 Sterrhos, 36 Crauge, 37 Csenon, 38 Tyrbas, 39 
Sthenon, 40 iEther, 41 Actis, 42 ^chme, 43 Noes, 44 Gnome, 45 
Stibon, 46 Horme. 47 

6. We must not take the female puppies out to hunt till 
they are eight months old, or the male till they are ten. The 
huntsman must not set them loose on the track to the hare's 
form, but, keeping them tied with long straps, must let them 
follow the dogs that are scenting the hare, allowing them to 
ran along the track. 7. When the hare is found, if they be 
well qualified by nature for running, he must not let them 
loose at once, but must wait till the hare has got in advance, 
so that they can no longer see her, and then let them go. s. 
For if he lets loose immediately dogs that are well qualified by 
nature, and full of spirit, for running, they will, as soon as they 
see the hare, use such exertion as to injure themselves, as 
their frames are not yet strong ; and against such mishaps the 
huntsman must be on his guard. 9. If, on the contrary, they 
be but poorly qualified for running, there is nothing to hinder 
him from letting them go at once ; for, as they will be hopeless 
at first of overtaking the hare, they will do themselves no such 

The tracks which the hare leaves as she runs, he may allow 

1 Spirit. 2 Courage. 3 Shield-hasp. 

4 Spike (at the lower end of a spear -handle). 5 Lance. 

6 Ambush. 7 Guard. * Keeper. 9 Order. 

10 Darter. » Barker. n Fiery. 13 Strength. 

14 Active. 1S Search-wood. ><> Plotter. 

17 Ravager. ,s Speed. l9 Passion. so Roarer. 

21 Audacious. 22 Cheerful. 23 Might. 

24 Flowery. 2S Youth. 26 Joyous. i7 Gladness. 

28 Looker. 29 Bright-eyes. 30 Stout. 31 Force. 

32 Goer. » Swift. 34 Lively. 3i Reveller. 

36 Stubborn. * Yelper. 38 Killer. 39 Bustler. 

40 Vigorous. 41 Sky. 42 Ray. 45 Spear. 

44 Marker. 45 Prudence. * Tracker. 47 Eager. 

2 a 2 

356 ON HUNTING. |TCH. 8. 

the young dogs to follow until they overtake her ; and when 
she is caught, he may give her to them to tear to pieces. 

lo. When they are no longer willing to stay by the nets, 
but scatter themselves about, he must call them in until they 
are trained to find the hare by running after her, lest, from 
perpetually going in quest of her without regard to order, they 
become at last untrainable ; l a result of the worst kind. 11. It is 
proper accordingly to give them their food at the nets, as long 
as they are young, when the nets are taken up, that if they 
should stray away in the hunting-field for want of knowing 
what they are about, they may be recovered through return- 
i ng to that spot. 2 They will no longer require this care when 
they begin to have a hostile feeling towards the beast that 
they hunt, and are prompted to think more of their prey than 
of their ordinary food. 

12. It will be well for the huntsman, in general, to give the 
dogs their food himself; for though, when they are in want, 
they do not know who is the cause of it, they conceive an 
affection for him, who, when they are eager to receive it, 
gives it them. 


Of hunting hares in winter. 

1. It is proper that hares should be tracked, when snow 
has fallen in such a quantity that the ground is hidden ; for 
if black spots appear on the surface, the animal will be diffi- 
cult to trace. When there has been snow, and the north 
wind blows, the tracks are visible for a long time ; 3 but if the 

1 "Ekkvvoi.'] A sportsman's terra for dogs that will not be kept to one 
scent, but are perpetually wandering and searching about. Comp. 
zkkvvovgi, c. 3, sect. 10. 

* Tlpoc tovto.~\ Ad istum locum. Schneider. 

• Td "i\vi\ ?£w irokvv xqovov drj\a.~\ Portus translated t£io by 
i-Zkxovra, eminentia ; Weiske saw the absurdity of doing so, and ob- 
served that marks of footsteps do not stand out from the ground, but si?ik 
into it ; he then read rd 4'£w ix vr l> an( l interpreted vestigia posteriorum 
pedum, as being more deeply impressed than those of f he fore-feet. But 
why rd c£w ixvt} should signify marks of hind-feei more than of fore 


wind be southerly, and the sun also shines, they are to be 
seen but a short time, as they soon melt away. While snow 
continues to fall, it is of no use to attempt to track the animal, 
for the snow covers the traces ; nor is it of any use if the 
wind be strong, for it effaces them by throwing up the snow. 

2. We must never go out to hunt with dogs, therefore, un- 
der such circumstances ; for the snow parches the noses and 
feet of the dogs, and carries off the scent of the hare from ex- 
cessive cold. 

But the hunter may take his nets and go out with a com- 
rade to the hills, at a distance from the cultivated grounds, 
and, when he has found traces of the hare, may follow them. 
3. If they should be perplexed, he must go back on the same 
track, and still keep along it, making circuits so as to go 
round the whole of it seeking whither it finally leads ; for 
the hare frequently wanders hither and thither, hesitating 
where it shall settle itself; and it is accustomed also to be 
very artful in going about, from being constantly pursued by 
its footsteps. 4. When the track shows itself plainly, the 
hunter may proceed straight forwards ; and it will lead him 
either to a shady or to a steep place, because the wind carries 
the snow over such spots. The hare therefore leaves many 
places in which she might sit, and seeks for one of this kind. 
When the footsteps lead to such places, he must not approach 
too near, lest the hare should start, but make a circuit round 
about ; for it is to be expected that a hare is there ; and it 
will presently become certain, since there will be no track 
from such spots leading out in any other direction. When it 
is clear that the hare is there, he may let her alone (for she 
will not move), and seek for another, before the footsteps are 
obliterated, having regard to the time of day, in order that, if 
he find others, there may be time enough left for putting 
round the nets. 5. If such is the case, he must stretch the 
nets round each of the hares in the same way as on the dark 

ones, he does not explain. Schneider supposes that ?£w means out of 
*he snow, or on the black ground ; but whom will this satisfy ? Leun- 
clavius's version gives nothing more than vestigia diu manifesto, extant. 
On the whole, it appears that it is impossible to make anything plausible 
of Hut, and that it wotild be well for future editors to expunge it or put 
it in brackets. Gail takes no notice of it in his version, and I have fol« 
'owed his example in mine. 

358 ON HUNTING. [CH. 9 

soil, so that he may catch whatever hare they are near within 
them ; and when they are fixed, he must go and rouse the hare. 
If she escapes from the net, he must run after her on her 
track ; and she will betake herself to other similar spots, un- 
less she chance to bury herself in the snow. He must ac- 
cordingly ascertain where she is, and place the nets round 
her. Should she make no stay in any place, he must continue 
the pursuit ; since she will be captured even without the as- 
sistance of the nets ; for she soon grows weary from the depth 
of the snow, and the great quantity of it which attaches itself 
to her feet, which are hairy underneath. 


Of hunting deer. 

l. For hunting fawns and stags Indian dogs 1 should be 
used; for they are strong, large, swift, and not deficient in 
courage ; and, having these qualities, are able to endure 
fatigue. The very young fawns 2 we should hunt in the 
spring, for it is in that season that they are born. 2. The hunts- 
man should first go into the grassy glades, where the deer are 
most numerous, and survey the ground ; and, wherever they 
are seen, he should come to that spot with his dogs and spears 
before daybreak, and should tie the dogs to the trees at some 
distance off, lest, if they should see the deer, they should be- 
gin to bark ; and he himself should keep on the watch. 3. 
At dawn he will see the hinds bringing each her young one 
to the place where she is going to have its bed. Having lain 
down, and given their young ones suck, looking round, at 
the same time, lest they should be seen by any one, they will 
go off severally to the parts opposite their young, still keeping 
watch over them. 4. The huntsman, on seeing them in this 

1 For some further description of these, see Aristotle, H. A. viii. 28 ; 
jElian, H. A. viii. 1 • Pollux, v. 37, 43. 

2 Xenophon recommends above, c. 5, sect. 14, that we should spare 
the young of the hare for a year. Why did a man of such tender feeling 
not show the same consideration for young deer ? Schneider* 

§ 5 — 10.] uftAK-IltNTUtGt. 359 

condition, must go and let loose his dogs, and, taking his 
spears in his hand, must advance towards the first of the 
fawns, at least to the part where he has seen it lying, taking 
careful note of the ground ; for places often assume a different 
appearance as a person draws near them from that which they 
presented when he was at a distance. 5. When he has caught 
sight of the fawn, he must go close to it ; for it will remain 
quiet, crouching l as it were down upon the ground, and will 
let the huntsman take it up, making at the same time a loud 
noise, unless it be wet with rain ; since, if such be the case, it 
will not lie still, as the moisture which it has in it, being con- 
densed by the cold, will soon make it move off. 2 6. But it 
will be caught by the dogs, which will pursue it with vigour ; - 
and when the huntsman has got possession of it, he must give 
it to the net-keeper ; it will utter a cry, and the hind, seeing 
and hearing what is going on, will rush upon the man that 
holds it, and endeavour to take it from him. 7. At this junc- 
tion the huntsman must cheer on the dogs, and use his spears ; 
and when he has captured this animal, he may proceed to 
take others, adopting the same means for getting possession of 

8. The very young fawns may be taken thus ; but those 
that are well grown give some trouble ; for they feed with 
their dams and other deer, and run off, when they are 
pursued, in the midst of the herd, or sometimes in advance of 
it, but very rarely in the rear. 9. The hinds, acting in de- 
fence of them, trample down the dogs, so that they are not 
■asily taken, unless the hunter rushes straight in among the 
ierd, and separates them from one another, when one of the 
young may be left behind by himself, l o. When the herd is 
thus violently scattered, the dogs will be left behind at the 
first run after the fawn ; for the desertion of the other deer 
will render it excessively timid, and the swiftness of fawns of 
that age is beyond all other swiftness ; but at the second or 
third run they are soon taken, as their bodies, from being 
still tender, are unable to bear up under fatigue. 

1 Ilikaag wc iiri yrjv.] IIie&iv is here used for irrrjaaeiv or TCTitiGGtiv 
Schneider. Compare lav \ir\ — irday eavrov, c. 8, sect. 8. Sauppe. 

* Xenophoh supposes that the moisture in the fawn's body, being con- 
densed by the coldness of the rain, will increase the timidity of the fawn , 
fear being attributed by Aristotle and others to coldness of biood. See 
Aristot. De Part. Anim. i. 4. Schneider, 

360 " ON HUNTING. [CII. 9. 

: 1 . Snares are also set for deer on hills, or about meadows 
and streams, as well as in woods and paths and in cultivated 
grounds, wherever they are in the habit of going. 12. These 
snares should be made of twigs of yew twisted, with the bark 
not taken off, 1 lest they should grow rotten ; and should have 
the crowns 2 circular, and the studs made of iron and wood 
alternately, inserted in the circle, the iron ones being the larger, 
that the wooden ones may yield to the feet, and the other3 
press it. 13. Such a snare should have the noose of the rope 
which is to be fixed on the crown made of twisted hemp, as 
well as the rope itself; for this material is least likely to be- 
come rotten ; and let the noose, as well as the rope, be strong. 
Let the piece of wood which is suspended to it be of common 
or scarlet oak, with the bark on, three spans 3 in length, and 
one palm 3 in thickness. 14. The hunter must fix these snares 
by opening the ground to the depth of five palms ; and this 
opening must be round, and even at the edge with the crowns 
of the snares, and growing gradually narrower below; 4 he 
must also open a portion of the ground for the rope and the 
wood, as deep as it is necessary for both to be buried. 15. 
When he has done this, he must put the snare over the open- 
ing, sinking it to a depth equal with the surface, and put the 
noose of the rope round the crown, letting down the rope itself 
and the wood each into its own place ; he must put twigs of 

1 M?) irepKpXoiovg.'] Hepi(p\oiog is generally interpreted,, "with the 
bark on," as Sturz interprets it in his Lexicon, non delibratus, cortice mn- 
nitus ; but here it must surely mean " with the bark off," or the fir) before it 
must be expunged. In the next section it is used in the sense of " with 
the bark on," as may be seen by comparing sect. 18. 

2 Tdc GTecpavag fvicvicXovQ.] The GTttyavr) seems to have been at the 
upper part of the snare or trap, but nothing else is discoverable respecting 
it ; nor does it seem easy to understand the use of the studs or knots of 
iron and wood mentioned in connexion with it. Indeed nothing more 
is clear concerning the instrument, than that it was a machine partly 
buried in the ground to catch deer by the feet. I shall translate the de- 
scription of it as faithfully as I can, and if my reader form from it any 
fair conception of the contrivance, he will have gained that which I have 
not gained myself. Pollux, v. 32, gives a similar account of the 7roSo<rrpa€ii 
to that which is given by Xenophon, but throws no more light on it. 

3 See note on c. 2, sect. 4. 

4 Eic fit rb Karat djuei€o/i£voi' <jTtvorr}Ti.'] Inferius subinde angitstiorem. 
Leunclavius. Or, as Portus explains it, "corresponding in roundness 
below to the part above, but becoming narrower," or decreasing in cir- 

§ 16 — 20. j SNARES FOR DEER. 361 

thorn over the crown, not sticking out above the surface, and 
upon the twigs some dry leaves, such as the season may af- 
ford. 16. After this he must strew upon the leaves a portion 
of the earth taken from the surface l of the parts that have 
been dug, and upon this some solid earth brought from a dis- 
tance, in order that the position of the snare may be concealed 
as much as possible from the deer ; and what remains of the 
earth he should carry off to a distance from the snare, for if 
the animal finds by the smell that it has been recently dis- 
turbed (and this it soon does), it becomes suspicious. 

17. The huntsman must then keep watch with his dogs by 
the snares that are placed 2 on the hills, especially in the 
morning ; and he may do so during the rest of the clay ; on 
cultivated grounds he should be on the look-out before day- 
break ; for on the hills the deer are caught not only during 
the night, but also in the day, because such places are unfre- 
quented by man ; but in cultivated grounds they are caught 
during the night, as they are afraid of men there during the 
day. 18. When he finds the snare turned up, he must let 
loose his dogs, and pursue, cheering them on, along the track 
of the wooden clog, observing carefully whither it leads. In 
general it will not be difficult to trace, for the stones will be 
up, and the scratches of the clog will be very plain on culti- 
vated ground ; if the animal however runs through rough 
places, the rocky parts will have portions of the bark stripped 
from the clog adhering to them, and thus the pursuit will be 
rendered easier. 19. Should the deer have been caught by 
the fore-foot, it will be very soon secured ; for the clog, as the 
animal runs, will strike against its whole body and face ; 3 but 
if it be caught by the hind-foot, the clog, as it is dragged along, 
will impede the motion of its whole body. Sometimes the clog, 
too, will catch itself in forked branches of the wood, and the 
deer, unless it break the rope, will be caught there. 20. Should 
the huntsman capture it in this way, or by overcoming it with 
fatigue, he must not, if it be a male, approach near it, for it 

1 As the earth on the surface will differ very much in smell and appear- 
ance from that which has been recently turned up, Weiske. 

2 'Ecrrwaac.] Understand irodooTpdGag, not iXaQovg with Leunclavius. 

3 'Ei' yap Tip fipofiq) ttclv rb au>fia tvtttsi ko.1 to Trp6ait)Trov.~\ Nam 
licnum inter enrrendum corpus totum et ora percutit. Leunclavius. "Le 
bois lui blessera tout le corps et la face." Gail. 

362 ON HUNTING. [CH. 10. 

will strike out with its horns and feet, but must spear it from 
a distance. They may be caught, if pursued in summer-time, 
even without a snare ; for they become so excessively exhausted 
that they stand still, and may then be killed with spears. If 
they are hard pressed, and reduced to extremity, they will 
throw themselves into the sea, or any other water ; and some- 
times they fall down through want of breath. 


Of hunting boars. 

1. For the wild boar it is necessary to have Indian, Cretan, 
Locrian, and Spartan dogs ; with nets, javelins, spears, and 
snares. As to the dogs of this sort, they must not be ordinary 
ones, that they may be fit to contend with the wild beast. 
2. The nets must be of the same cord as those for hares ; but 
let the cords consist of forty-five threads in three strands, 
each strand being made of fifteen threads. Let there be ten 
meshes 1 in depth from the edge, and the depth of the nooses 2 
a pygon. 3 Let the ropes that run round the net be half as 
thick again as the cords of the nets ; let the nets have rings at 
the extremities ; and let the ropes be inserted under the 
nooses, and the ends of them come out through the rings. 
Fifteen nets will be sufficient. 

3. As to the javelins, let them be of all kinds, having the 
points of considerable breadth, and sharp as a razor, and the 
handles strong. The spears should have heads of the length 
of five palms, and in the middle, where the iron is inserted 
into the wood, guards jutting out, formed of the metal, very 
stout ; and let them have handfes of corneil wood, of the thick- 
ness of an ordinary spear. The snares should be similar 

1 AsxdfifiaTot.'] ." Ten knots," i. e 'ten meshes." See note on c. 2, 
eect 5. 

8 Nooses through which the animai thrust its head, and was caught by 
the neck. Pollux, v. 28. 

3 The distance from the elbow to the first joint of the finger, or 1 foot 
3" 168 inches, English measure. Hussey, Ancient Weights, &c, Appendix. 

§ 4 — 7. J BOAR-HUNTING. 363 

to those for deer. But let the hunters go in company ; for the 
animal is not to be captured without difficulty, and the assist- 
ance of many hands. How it is necessary to use each of these 
implements in hunting, I will show. 

4. In the first place, then, when the hunters have come to 
the place where they suppose that there is a boar, they must 
bring up the dogs quietly, letting one of the Spartan dogs 
loose, and keeping the others tied, and go round about the 
place with the loose dog. 5. When this dog has found traces 
of the boar, they must continue their course along the track, 
which is to guide the whole train. 1 There will also be many 
indications of the boar to guide the huntsmen ; marks of his 
footsteps on soft ground ; pieces of the shrubs broken off in 
the woody parts ; and where there are large trees, scratches of 
his tusks upon them. 6. The dog, pursuing the track, will 
generally come to some woody spot ; for the animal commonly 
lies in such places, as they are warm in winter, and cool in 
summer, i. When it comes to the beast's lair, it begins to 
bark ; yet the boar will seldom rise on that account. It will 
be necessary, therefore, to take the dog and tie him up with 
the others at some distance from the lair, and stretch the nets 
at the entrance to the thicket, hanging the meshes upon 
the forked branches 2 of the wood ; and it will be proper, at 
the same time, to spread the net in a circuit extending out- 
wards to some distance, placing branches of trees as supports 
on each side within, in order that the rays of light may pene- 
trate through the meshes as much as possible into that circuit, 
and that the part within it may be as clear as possible for the 
animal when he rushes toward the nets. The rope that 
runs round the nets they ought to attach to a strong tree, 
and not to bushes ; for bushes give way 3 on open ground. 

1 'Hyov/xivg aico\ov9iq.] These words have afforded much work for 
the commentators, and are perhaps in some way corrupt. But, as they 
stand, the only method in which they can be explained is by considering 
r)yovfjikvy as agreeing with i-xytvau, which precedes it, and as governing 
dico\ov6ia, which follows it ; aKo\ov6ia being taken in the sense of comita- 
tus, " train, following." 

2 "Op/jiovg.] Erectos sylvoe stipites bifidos. Leunclavius. 

3 "Ewexovrai.^ Various interpretations of this word have been pro- 
posed, as well as various emendations. The only reasonable explanation 
of which it seems susceptibl^is, "come together, give way, yield," aa 
bushes will do on " open ground," that is, where there are no strong 
trees to support them. 

364 ON HUNTING. [*CI1. 10. 

About T each net they must stop up even the less open pas- 
sages 2 through the thicket, that the boar may rush straight 
into the nets, without turning aside from them. 

8. When the nets are fixed, let them return to the dogs and 
set them all loose, and, taking their javelins and spears, go 
forward themselves. One of the most experienced of the 
hunters should cheer on the dogs; and the rest should follow 
in order, but at some considerable distance one from another, 
that a passage of sufficient breadth between them may be 
left for the boar ; for if, as he makes his retreat, he should 
rush in among a number of them, there is danger that they 
may be wounded; since against whomsoever he runs, upon 
him he vents his rage. 9. When the dogs come near the 
beast's lair, they will make a start forward ; the boar, being 
disturbed, will spring up, and whichever of the dogs happens 
to meet him face to face, he will toss him into the air, and, 
running forwards, will fall into the nets ; or, if he does not, 
the hunters must pursue him. Should the ground, on which 
the net catches him, be sloping, 3 he will soon rise; should 
it be level, he will keep himself on his feet, intent on saving 
himself. 10. At this juncture the dogs will press forward ; 
and the hunters, keeping on their guard against him, must 
throw their javelins at him, and pelt him with stones, gather- 
ing round behind him, and at a considerable distance, until, by 
pushing himself forward, he pulls down the rope that runs 
round the net to its utmost stretch ; and then, whoever among 
the company is the most skilful and the most vigorous, must 
go up to him and spear him in the fore part of the body. 

11. But if, notwithstanding he is struck with javelins and 
stones, he will not stretch the rope, but draws back, and makes 
a turn upon any one that comes near him, one of the hunters 
must in that case take his spear and go up to him, holding it 
with the left hand on the fore part, and the right on the 
hinder; for the left directs it, and the right impels it ; and let 
his left foot be in advance corresponding with the left hand, 
while the right is behind in accordance with the other hand. 

12. As he advances, he must present the spear, with his feet 

1 'Y7Tfp.] " Circa, prope, ad." Weiske. 
* 2 Tcl dufcpfia.'] Even passages through which the boar does not 
usually go out and in must be stopped, lest he make his way out by them 
to avoid the nets. Sauppe. 
3 So that the boar falls. 

§ 13—16.] HOW TO ATTACK A BOAK. 365 

not much farther apart than in wrestling, turning the left 
side forward towards the left hand, looking straight into the 
very eye of the boar, and watching every movement of his head. 
As he holds out his spear, he must take care lest the boar, by 
turning his head aside, wrest it out of his hand ; for he will follow 
up the charge after it is thus wrested. 13. Should he have this 
misfortune, he must throw himself flat upon his face, and cling 
to whatever substance is below him ; for, if the boar fall upon 
him in this position, he will be unable to seize his body on 
account of his tusks being turned up ; ' but if he attack him 
standing erect, he must necessarily be wounded. The boar 
will accordingly endeavour to raise him up ; and if he cannot 
do so, will trample upon him with his feet. 14. When he is 
in this perilous condition, there is but one mode of delivering 
him from it, which is, for one of his fellow-hunters to come up 
close to the animal with his spear, and irritate him by feigning 
to throw it ; but he must not throw it, lest he should hit his 
companion who is on the ground. 15. When the boar sees 
him doing this, he will leave the man whom he has under him, 
and turn with rage and fury on the one who is provoking him. 
The other must then jump up, but take care to do so with his 
spear in his hand; for there is no honourable 2 way of saving 
himself but by overcoming the boar. 16. He must therefore 
present his spear in the same manner as before, and thrust it 
forwards within the shoulder-blade, where the throat 3 is, and 
must hold it firm and press against it with all his might. 
The boar will advance upon him courageously, and, if the 
guards of the spear did not prevent him, would push along the 
handle of it until he reached the person holding it. 17. Such 
is his vigour that there is in him what no one would suppose ; 
for so hot are his tusks when he is just dead, that if a person 
lays hairs upon them, the hairs shrivel up ; and when he is 
alive, they are actually on fire whenever he is irritated ; for 
otherwise he would not singe the tips of dogs' hair when he 
misses inflicting a wound on their bodies. 4 

1 T/}v aifiorriTa tG>v 6d6vru)v.'\ Dentes svrsum tendentes. Zeune. 

2 For he must not, with his spear in his hand, desert his companion, 
as Weiske observes. 

3 20ayi7.] It is the throat or windpipe that is meant, as appears from 
Pollux, ii. 133. 

* Pollux, v. 80, gives the same account, both as to the shrivelling of 
hair and the singeing of the dogs 

366 ON HUNTING. [CK. 10. 

18. The boar is caught after giving such, and often still 
more, trouble. But if it be a sow that falls into the net, the 
hunter must run forward and strike it, taking care however 
that he be not pushed down ; for, if he should have this mis- 
fortune, he will necessarily be trampled upon and bitten. He 
must not therefore fall willingly ; but if he should happen to 
fall unwillingly, his mode of rising must be the same as in the 
case of the boar. 

19. They are caught also in the following manner. Nets 
are stretched for them in passages through the forests, in thick- 
ets, winding valleys, and rough grounds, where there are out- 
lets to grassy spots, and marshes, and waters. He that is 
appointed for this duty guards the nets with a spear in his 
hand. Others bring up the dogs, looking for the most eligible 
places; and, when the boar is found, he is at once pursued. 

20. Should he fall into the net, the net-keeper must take 
up his spear, and use it in the way which I have described ; 
if he does not run into the net, he must hasten after him. He 
may be caught also, when it is hot weather, by being pursued 
by the dogs ; for though he is an animal of vast strength, yet 
he soon becomes exhausted from shortness of breath. 21. 
Many dogs, however, are killed in such chases, and the hunt- 
ers themselves are in peril. But when, in the pursuit, they 
are compelled to present their spears to the boar as he is in 
the water, or has retired to some steep place, or is in a thicket 
from which he is unwilling to come out, though, in such a 
case, there is neither net nor anything else to prevent him 
from rushing immediately on the person who approaches him, 
they must nevertheless advance upon him, and show that cour- 
age by which they were induced to engage in such toils for 
the gratification of their propensity. 22. They must use their 
spears, and such bodily efforts as have been described ; l for 
then, if any one of them suffers any hurt, he will not suffer it 
for want of acting rightly. 

Snares are set for them just as for deer, in the same places; 
and the same modes of watching, pursuing, approaching them, 
and using the spear are adopted. 23. Whenever their young 
ones are taken, they do not allow themselves to be captured 
without difficulty ; f )r they do not stray about alone, as long 

1 Sect. 16. 


as they are small ; and when the dogs find them, or they fore- 
see any danger, they soon disappear among the wood. Both 
the old ones also generally follow them, which are then very 
fierce, and fight more resolutely for them than for themselves. 


Of hunting lions, leopards, and other wild beasts. 

l. Lions, leopards, lynxes, panthers, bears, and other wild 
beasts of that description, are caught in foreign parts ; some 
about the mountains Pangasus and Cittus beyond Macedonia, 
others about Olympus in Mysia, others on Mount Pindus, 
others on Nysa beyond Syria, and upon other mountains which 
are suited for breeding such animals. 2. Some of these 
beasts, on account of the difficulty of approaching their 
abodes, are taken by means of the drug called aconite, which 
the hunters throw in their way about the banks of streams, 
and whatever other places they frequent, mixing it with what- 
ever each of the animals likes to eat. 1 3. Some of them also 
are captured as they come down into the plains in the night, 
being intercepted by the aid of horses and armed men, but 
not without bringing those who take them into danger. 4. 
For some of them, again, they make pit-falls, round, large, 
and deep, leaving in the middle a pillar of earth, upon the top 
of which they put a goat, tied fast, towards night ; they also 
hedge the pit-fall round with wood (leaving no passage 
through), in order that the animals may not see over 2 into it. 
Hearing the bleating of the goat during the night, they run 
round about the hedge, and, when they find no inlet, leap over 
it and are caught. 

1 According to Pollux, v. 82, the drug causes diarrhoea, which so weak- 
ens the beasts that they are at length captured. Pliny alludes to the same 
practice, H. N. viii. 27. 

2 Hepiopav J] Weiske makes a difficulty as to the beasts seeing in the 
night ; but it is supposed that beasts of prey can see better in the nighJ 
than men can. 

868 ON TTTTNTINa [(3H. 12. 


Hunting, an introduction to military exercises and service, rendering meu 
abler defenders of their country. Its moral effects. 

l. Concerning the modes of proceeding in the chase I 
have now spoken. Those who are fond of the pursuit will 
receive many benefits from it ; for they will secure health for 
their bodies, greater keenness of sight and hearing, 1 and a 
later old age. 2. It is also an excellent preparation for the 
toils of war ; for, in the first place, when hunters march under 
arms through difficult roads, they will not faint, but will endure 
the toil from being accustomed to such exertion in capturing 
wild beasts. They will likewise be able to sleep on hard 
couches, and will be excellent guardians of what is intrusted 
to them. 3. In marches against the enemy they will both be 
in a condition to pursue their course, and to do what they are 
ordered, because they are used to similar exertions in captur- 
ing beasts of prey. If they are placed in the front of the 
army, they will not leave their posts, as they are well qualified 
for persistence. 4. In a rout of the enemy, they will pursue 
them straight onwards, and with safety, over every sort of 
ground, from being familiarized to such exercise. If their 
own army experience misfortune, they will be able, in places 
that are marshy, or precipitous, or otherwise difficult, to save 
themselves, as well as others, without dishonour ; for their 
practice in such exertions will supply them with greater 
knowledge than those around them. 5. Such men, even when 
a great number of their allies have been put to flight, have 
renewed the contest, and by their well-exercised strength and 
courage have repulsed the enemy, who were led into error by 
the difficulties of the ground ; for it belongs to those who have 
their bodies and minds in good condition to be always near to 
good fortune. 6. Our ancestors also, knowing that from such 
causes they had been successful against their adversaries, paid 
great attention to the exercises of the youth ; for though they 
had in early times no abundance of the fruits of the ground, 
yet they did not think proper to hinder the young men from 

1 'Opav Kai Akovuv fia\\oi>.] "lis auront la vue meilleure, l'oreilfe 
plus sensible." Gail. 


hunting over anything that grows upon the earth. 7. In ad- 
dition, they decreed that they should not hunt in the night 
within a great number of stadia from the city, lest those who 
were skilled in the art 1 should take from them their prey ; 
for they saw that this one pleasure of youth was productive 
of many advantages to them, as it renders them prudent and 
just, from being brought up in real action ; 2 8. while, if they 
wish to pursue other honourable occupations, it does not draw 
them away from them, as other pleasures, of a vicious kind, 
do ; pleasures in which they ought not to engage. 

9. From men thus exercised, therefore, are formed good 
soldiers and good leaders ; for those from whose minds and 
bodies toil has eradicated unbecoming and licentious inclina- 
tions, and infused into them a desire of virtue, are the most 
excellent of citizens, since they will neither allow their me- 
tropolis to be wronged, nor the lands of their country to be 
laid waste. 

io. Yet some say that people ought not to cherish a love of 
hunting, lest they should neglect their domestic affairs ; but 
such persons do not know that all who benefit their country 
and their friends are most attentive to their domestic affairs; 
n. and if, accordingly, those who are fond of hunting prepare 
themselves to be useful, in the most important particulars, to 
their country, they will not be neglectful of that which con- 
cerns themselves ; for whatever belongs to each individual 
citizen stands or falls with the state ; so that citizens thus 
qualified preserve the property of other individuals as well as 
their own. 12. But many of those who make such observa- 
tions would rather, from being rendered unreasonable through 
envy, perish in their own indolence, than be preserved by the 
honourable exertions of others ; for most pleasures have a 
pernicious influence, and, being overcome by them, they are 
incited to take the worse course, in their words and actions, 
'instead of the better. 13. Hence they bring on themselves, 
from foolish words, enmities, and, from ill conduct, diseases 

1 The older and more experienced hunters. 

2 Aid to iv Ty aXtjOsia TraiStvt<j$ai.~\ Notm umbraticA disciplind, says 
Sauppe, where they learn pnly by verbal precepts, but in the open field 
of life and action. 

A few words immediately following, which refer to war, but which are 
only a repetition of what has been said before on that subject, and are 
thought spurious by most editors, are not translated. 

vol. in, 2 B 

370 ON HUNTING, [ch. 12 

and punishnients. as well as death tu themselves and thei* 
children and their friends, being insensible to the evil that 
they were incurring, but having a keener inclination for plea- 
sures than other men ; and who can make indulgence in plea- 
sure turn to the benefit of his country ? 14. From these evils, 
however, every one will be free, who loves what I recommend, 
since good training teaches men to observe the laws, and to 
speak as well as to hear, with a regard to what is just. 15. 
Those who make it their study, accordingly, to be continually 
labouring and learning something, choose toilsome pursuits 
and cares for themselves, but secure safety for their own com- 
munities ; but those who decline to be taught anything, because 
it is laborious, and prefer to spend their lives in impropei 
pleasures, are characters of the very worst nature. 

16. They obey neither the laws nor good admonitions; for, 
as they shrink from every effort at improvement, they gain 
no conception what a man of virtue ought to be ; so that they 
can neither be pious nor wise, but, consigning themselves to 
ignorance, inveigh greatly against those who are learned. 
17. By means of such men, therefore, nothing can be made to 
prosper, as everything advantageous to mankind is found out 
by better men than they ; and the better are those who are 
willing to exert themselves. 18. This has been demonstrated 
by strong proof ; for, among the ancients, those who studied 
under Chiron, and whom I mentioned before, began their ex- 
ercises when they were young, with hunting, and became 
masters of many noble qualifications, whence great honour 
was paid to them for their virtue, for which they are even to 
the present day held in admiration. 

That all men have a love for such virtue is evident, but, 
because it is possible to attain it only by labour, the greater 
part of mankind shrink from the pursuit of it ; and the at- 
tainment of it is indeed uncertain, while the exertions attend- 
ant on the pursuit of it are manifest. 19. Perhaps, however, 
if Virtue could be seen bodily, men would be less neglectful of 
her ; knowing that they would be seen by her as she would 
be seen by them ; 20. for every one, when he is in the sight of 
the object of his love, conducts himself better than at other 
times, and neither does nor says anything unbecoming or wrong, 
lest it should be seen by that object. 21. But men, thinking 
that they are not seen by Virtue, because they do not see her, 


commit many wicked and dishonourable acts without disguise ; ! 
yet she is in reality present everywhere, as she is immortal, 
and honours those who act rightly towards her, and casts dis- 
honour on those who act wrong. Could they feel assured, 
then, that she sees them, they would devote themselves to 
those labours and studies by which she is, though with diffi- 
culty, captivated, and would secure her favour. 


A chapter on the vanity and empty professions of the sophists ; not written, 
in all probability, by Xenophon. 

1. But I wonder at those men who are called sophists, be- 
cause the most of them say that they lead mankind to virtue, 
while in reality they lead them in a contrary direction ; for 
we have nowhere seen any man whom the present race of 
sophists have rendered virtuous ; nor do they offer any writ- 
ings to the world by which people may be made virtuous. 
2. But concerning frivolous subjects many treatises have been 
written by them, from which empty amusement for the young 
may be derived, but in which there are no precepts of virtue ; 
treatises which cause useless consumption of time to those 
who vainly hope to learn something from them, detaining 
them from other more profitable occupations, and even teach- 
ing them what is bad. 3. I blame them, then, for their more 
grave offences 2 more severely; but as to what they write, I 
say that their words are studied with the utmost care, but 
that moral principles, by which youth may be formed to vir- 
tue, are nowhere to be found in them. 4. I indeed am no 
extraordinary person, but I know that while it is best to be 
taught what is good by nature herself, it is next in desirable- 
ness to be instructed by those who really know something of 
goodness rather than by such as understand merely the art of 
deceiving. 5. My words, perhaps, I may not use with the 
art of the sophists, for I make it not my object to do so ; but 
the instructions which those need who are rightly trained to 

i 'Ernvriov, palam, "openly." 

2 Vices, offences against morality in their nves, appear to be meant. 

2 b 2 

372 ox hunting. [en. 13. 

virtue I try to express with proper understanding of them ; 
for mere words cannot aiford instruction, 1 but thoughts may, 
if they be of a right kind. 

6. Many others also blame the sophists of the present day 
(I do not say the philosophers), for showing their acuteness 
in words and not in thoughts. It does not escape my con- 
sideration that it would be well for what I write to be ar- 
ranged in proper order, for it will be easy for them to find 
fault with what is written hastily as not being written ele- 
gantly; 7. it is written however in such a way that it may 
express what is right, and may make men, not sophistical, 
but wise and good ; for I do not wish it merely to seem, but 
to be good, that it may remain irrefutable for ever. 8. The 
sophists, on the contrary, speak and write only to deceive, 
and for their own gain, and profit nobody in any way ; for no 
one of them has ever been, or is, wise ; but each of them is 
content with being called a sophist, which is but a term of 
reproach among the right-thinking part of mankind. 9. Against 
the precepts of the sophists, therefore, I exhort the young to 
be on their guard, but not to undervalue the instructions of 
the philosophers ; for the sophists hunt for the rich and young ; 
but the philosophers are the common teachers and common 
friends of all. The fortunes of men they neither esteem nor 

10. I exhort the young, also, not to emulate those who 
hastily seek their own aggrandisement, whether in private or 
in public affairs, reflecting that while the best of them are 
known to their honour, and are industrious, the bad meet with 
ill fortune, and are distinguished to their disgrace; 11. for, 
robbing individuals of their property, and embezzling the 
money of the public, they are less profitable to the common 
welfare than persons in a private station, while they have 
their bodies in the very worst and most disgraceful condition 
for war, being utterly incapable of any exertion. But hunt- 
ers, on the contrary, present alike their bodies and their pro- 
perty in excellent condition for promoting the common good 
of their countrymen. 12. Hunters attack beasts of prey ; the 
other sort of people attack their friends. Those who act 
against their friends incur infamy among all men ; hunters, 
from pursuing wild beasts, gain great honour ; for, if they 
1 Xenophon would surely not have expressed himself thus. 

§ 13 — 18,] OF THE SOPHISTS. 373 

capture the beasts, they subdue enemies ; and, if they do not, 
they nevertheless receive praise, not only because they assail 
animals that meditate mischief to the whole community, but 
because they proceed against them neither to the injury of 
anv man nor for their own private gain. 13. Besides, by the 
exercise itself they are rendered better for many purposes, as 
well as wiser, by the causes which I shall specify. If, in the 
first place, they did not highly excel in activity, and contriv- 
ances, and vigilance, in various ways, they would gain no 
booty ; 14. for their adversaries, fighting for their lives, and 
in their own retreats, are in full force ; so that the toil of the 
hunter would be in vain, if he did not subdue them with 
greater perseverance and with much intelligence, is. Those 
who wish, then, to gain a superior station in the state, medi- 
tate how to overcome their friends ; the hunters, how to over- 
throw common enemies. The exercise of the hunters makes 
them better men for other opponents ; the practice of the other 
sort of people much worse men ; the prey of the one is gained 
in conjunction with wisdom, that of the other with disgrace- 
ful audacity. 16. The one can despise mean practices and dis- 
honourable gains, the other cannot ; the one utter a voice 
expressive of good, the other, of turpitude ; the one show 
themselves pious in the highpst degree, the other feel nothing 
to restrain them from acting impiously towards all the di- 

17. Tales of old times are in circulation, which say that the 
gods delight in the pursuit of hunting, both as actors and as 
spectators ; so that the young, reflecting on this, may be both 
lovers of the gods and pious in their conduct, at least those 
who observe the admonitions which I give, and think that 
what they do is seen by some one of the deities ; and they 
will then be a benefit to their parents, their country in gener- 
al, and every one of their fellow-citizens and friends, is. Not 
only indeed have men who have been fond of the chace ob- 
tained an honourable character, but also women to whom the 
goddess Diana has given excellence in the pursuit, as Ata« 
lante, Procis, and some others. 




i. Hermogenes, happening to meet me, told me some 
other things, and, as I asked him about you, what system of 
philosophy you followed, he replied, the same as Socrates. 2. 
But even when you were living at Athens, I admired your 
judgment ; and as I began to admire you then, so also now I 
admire the unshaken firmness of your mind above any of 
those that have embraced the pursuit of wisdom ; for it is, as 
I consider, the greatest proof of virtue, that you have been 
attracted by that man, if indeed people thought 2 the life of 
Socrates that of a mortal man. 

3. That there are divine beings over us is manifest to 
every one ; and it is enough for us to worship them for the 
superiority of their power ; but of what nature they are, it is 
neither easy to find, nor dutiful to inquire ; for it does not be- 
long to slaves to understand the nature and conduct of their 
masters, as their sole business is to serve ; 4. and, what is 
the most remarkable, the more admiration we must bestow 
on those who labour for the interests of mankind, the more 
blame is attached 3 to those who aim at getting reputation 

1 Stobseus, Tit. 80. 12. It is also to be found in Eusebius, Praep. 
Evan. xiv. 12. 

2 'KyovvTo.] This word is probably corrupt. Leunclavius conjec- 
tured rjyiTrai rig, which, says Weiske, is, if not the happiest of conjec- 
tures, better certainly than rjyovvTo. 

3 The text is here apparently corrupt or defective. Leunclavius reads 
rocrov toSb for roaqiSe, which furnishes a nominative case for <pkpti, and 
makes the sense " the more blame this attaches," &c, a\9og, as Weiske 
observes, having apparently the force of -tyoyoQ. This section is supplied 
from Eusebius, being omitted by Stobeeus. 


from improper and worthless objects. 5. For when, my dear 
^Eschines, did any one ever hear Socrates discoursing about 
the heavenly bodies, 1 or exhorting men to learn geometry in 
order to improve their morals ? As for music, we are aware 
that he knew nothing more of it than the pleasure of hearing 
it. But he was constantly discussing with his friends what 
propriety was, or fortitude, or justice, or other virtues. 2 6. 
These he called the important concerns of mankind ; other 
things he said were impossible to be comprehended by man, 
or were akin to fables, trifling amusements for the mind, such 
as those on which the sophists so superciliously descant. 
Nor did he only say this, without observing it in his conduct ; 
but to detail what he did to you who know it, though it 
would not be unpleasing, would take up time; and I have 
recorded it elsewhere. 3 

7. Let those, therefore, whom Socrates did not satisfy, be 
convinced and keep silence, or adopt just notions respecting 
him ; a man to whose wisdom the god at Delphi testified, 
while those who put him to death could find no expiation by 
repentance. 4 8. But these illustrious philosophers 5 are in 
love with Egypt and the prodigious knowledge of Pythagoras, 6 
their extravagant pursuit of which convicts them of incon- 
stancy to Socrates, as does also their love of tyranny, and 
their preference of the immoderate luxury of a Sicilian 
table to a frugal diet. 7 

1 Comp. Mem. Soc. iv. 7. 6. 
8 Mem. Soc. i. 1. 16. 

3 In the Memorabilia of Socrates. 

4 Though the Athenians afterwards repented of having condemned 
Socrates, and banished those who were the cause of his death, while 
they paid Socrates himself almost divine honours, yet they could never 
think that they had made sufficient atonement for their fault. Zeune. 

5 Here again the text is unsound. For To Se koKov apa, with which 
the sentence begins, Gesner in his edition of Stobseus reads oi 8s icaXoi 

* This, according to Zeune, is directed against Plato, who, like Pytha- 
goras, travelled in Egypt, and in whose philosophy, he says, there are 
traces of that of Pythagoras. 

7 This also refers to Plato, says Zeune who was a friend of the 
Dtonysii, the tyrants of Sicily. Comp, Cic, Tusc. Disp. v. 35. 



.... For be assured that Socrates often said to us, that those 
who are anxious about their children that they may have 
abundance of wealth, but have no care that they may become 
honourable and upright, act like those who breed horses, but 
train them to no military uses, though they supply them 
with abundance of food ; 2. since they will thus have their 
horses fatter, but unqualified for what they ought to be able 
to do, as the merit of a horse consists, not in having abund- 
ance of flesh, but in being courageous and well-exercised for 
the field of battle. The same fault, he said, was committed by 
those who acquire a great quantity of land for their children, 
but are regardless of their personal improvement ; since what 
they possess will be thought of great value, but themselves of 
very little ; while, on the contrary, that which possesses ought 
to be more valuable than that which is possessed. 3. Accord- 
ingly, he who renders his son deserving of high estimation 
has, though he bequeaths him but little, bestowed upon him 
much ; for it is from the condition of the mind 2 that our 
possessions appear greater or less, since to a well-ordered mind 
they seem sufficient, but to an ill-regulated and untaught 
mind too little. 4. You give your children nothing more 
than necessity requires : this, however, by the well-instructed, 
is considered not only sufficient for their wants, but absolute 
wealth ; but as for the ignorant, though it frees them from 
bodily uneasiness, 3 it does not at all diminish their despondent 
views of the future. 


To me, Soteira, death appears nothing either repulsive or 
attractive, but merely an end of life, though not indeed the 
same for all, as inequality from birth, in regard to strength or 
weakness, brings inequality in number of years ; 5 and as 
different causes, sometimes disgraceful, and sometimes honour- 
able and becoming, bring on death. 

1 Stob. Tit. 83. 29. a Comp. Banquet, c. 4, sect. 34. 

a As hunger, thirst, cold. Zeune. 4 Stob. Tit. 121. 37. 

* This passage is corrupt. I follow Weiske's reading and interpret ation. 



But neither ought you to feel so much concern about death, 
knowing that we must regard birth as the beginning of man's 
course, and death as the end. He 2 has died, as he who was 
even ever so reluctant would have died ; but to die honourably 
is the part of one who is willing, to die, and who has been 
taught what he ought to know. Happy therefore is Gryllus, 
and whoever chooses, not the greatest prolongation of life, 
but life distinguished by virtue ; though the gods granted 
him, indeed, but a short life. 


. . . For you must first of all approve the excellent precept of 
Socrates, that "we must measure wealth ;" 4 for Socrates used 
to say, that vast property was not wealth, but so much as is 
becoming for us to use ; and he admonished us besides not 
to err in our judgment about such matters, as those who 
use what they possess becomingly are justly to be called rich ; 
but others he pronounced poor, and declared that they were 
afflicted with poverty of an incurable kind, as it was want of 
understanding, and not of pecuniary means. * * * No evil 
indeed originates with a man who makes prudence and 
temperance the foundations of wisdom. 

There are five Letters attributed to Xenophon in the Socratis et Socra- 
ticorum Epistalae, published by Leo Allatius, and placed by Weiske at 
the end of his edition of Xenophon ; but as they, with the rest of the let- 
ters in Leo's volume, are now universally regarded as forgeries, it is noi 
thought necessary to translate them. 

y J.S. W. 

1 Stob. Tit. 124. 42. 

2 That is, Gryllus, the son of Xenophon, who is named just below, and 
who fell with honour in the battle of Mantineia. 

• Stob Tit. 5. 79, 80. 4 Comp. Hiero, c. 4, sect. 8. 


k. Agesilaus. — Ap. Apology of Socrates. — Ath. On the Government of Athens.— B 
Banquet.— H. Hiero. — Hi. Hipparchicus. — Ho. On Horsemanship. — Hu. On Hunt 
ing.— L. On the Government of Lacedsemon. — Let. Fragments of Letters. — O. Q£co« 
nomicus R. On Improving the Revenues of Athens. 

*** The Roman numerals refer to chapters, the Arabic to sections. 

Acarnania, A. ii. 20. 

Achseans, A. ii. 20. 

Achilles, pupil of Chiron, Hu. i. 2, 

4, 16. Of Phoenix, viii. 23, 31. 
Actis, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

iEchme, , ib. 

iEgean Sea, O. xx. 27. 

iEneas, a disciple of Chiron, Hu. i. 

2. 15. 
iEnianes, enemies of the Spartans, 

A. ii. 6, 24. 

iEolians support Agesilaus, A. i. 
14; ii. 11. 

iEschylus of Phlius, friend of So- 
crates, B. iv. 63. 

iEsculapius, a disciple of Chiron, 
Hu. i. 2, 6. 

jEther, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

iEtolians, A. ii. 20. ■ 

Agatho, poet, B. viii. 32. 

Agesilaus, A . passim. See also the 
Hellenics, B. iii. — vii. 

Agis, A. i. 5. 

Agriculture, excellences of, O. iv. 
4; xv. 9. Easily learned, xix. 
17, seqq. 

Alcathus, the father of Periboea, 
Hu. i. 9. 

Alee, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Alexander, or Paris, judgment of, 

B. iv. 20. 

Amphiaraus, disciple of Chiron, Hu. 
ii. 8. 

Amyclae, A. viii. 7. 

Anaphlystus, town of Attica, R. iv 

Anaximander, an expounder of Ho- 
mer, B. iii. 6. 

Antheus, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Antilochus, son of Nestor, Hu. i. 
2, 14. 

Antisthenes, disciple of Socrates, 
B. i. 3 ; ii. 10. Seems to have 
denied that virtue could be taught, 
ii. 12. His poverty, iii. 7 ; iv. 
34. Introduces Callias to Prodi- 
cus and Hippias, iv. 63 ; and 
^Eschylus of Phlius to Socrates, 
iv. 64. 

Anytus, the accuser of Socrates, 
Ap. 29, 31 ; his son, ib. 

Apollo, inventor of hunting, Hu. i. 
1 ; worshipped by hunters, vi. 
13 ; his oracle concerning So- 
crates, Ap. 14. 

Apolloderus, disciple of Socrates, 
Ap. 28. 

Arcadians, assisted by the Atheni- 
ans, R. iii. 7. 

Archidamus, father of Agesilaus, A. 
i. 15. 

Ariadne and Bacchus, B. ix. 2. 

Ariobarzanes, friendly to Agesilaus, 
A. ii. 26. 

Anstodemus, A. viii. 7. 

Asia, A. i. 7, atque alibi. 



Aspasia, O. iii. 14. 

Assus, town of Troas, A. viii. 7. 

Atalanta, married to Melanio, Hu. 
i. 7. A huntress, xiii. 8. 

Athenians, their mixed language 
and customs, Ath. ii. 8. Their 
numerous festivals, iii. 2, 8. In- 
justice on trials, Ap. 4. Not all 
equally courageous, B. ii. 13. 
Glory of their ancestors, Hi. vii. 
3. Their expenses for spectacles, 
i. 26. Divided into ten tribes, R. 
iv. 30. Assist the Arcadians, iii. 
7. How they obtained the su- 
premacy in Greece, ib. v. 5. 
Their money, iii. 2. 

Athens, its excellent situation, R. i. 
6. Liberty allowed there to 
slaves and foreigners, ib. i. 10. 

Attica, fertility of, Ath. i. 1. A- 
bounds in marble, i. 4. Its silver 
mines, R. iv. 

Augo, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Autolycus, B. i. 2, atque alibi. 
Proud of his father, ib. iii. 13. 

Bacchus and Ariadne, B. ix. 2. 
Bacchus aided the Athenians 
against Xerxes, B. viii. 40. 

Bailiffs, duties of, O. xiii. 

Beauty, B. v. 

Bia, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Bits and bridles, Ho. x. 

Boeotians, their love of boys, L. ii. 
13; B. viii. 34. An obscure 
passage respecting them, Ath. iii. 
1 1. Glory of their ancestors, Hi. 
vii. 3. Their corslets, Ho. xii. 
3. They and their allies attack 
Agesilaus as he is coming from 
Asia, A. ii. 2. 

Bremon, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Bryas, ib. 

Caeno, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Calleas, A. viii. 3. 

Callias, Athenian, banquet at his 
house, B. passim. Studied un- 
der the sophists, ib. i. 5 ; iv. 62. 
His love for Autolycus, i. 1. He 
professes to make men better, iii. 
4; vi. 1. His wealth, iv. 37. 
A priest, viii 39. 

Callipides, an actor, his power cf 

exciting tears, B. iii 11 
Caria, A. i. 14, 29. 
Carthaginian flax, Hu. ii. 4. 
Castor, disciple of Chiron, Hu. i. 2, 

13. A kind of dogs named from 

him, iii. 1. 
Cavalry officer, duties of, Hi. pas- 
Cephalus, disciple of Chiron, Hu. i. 

2, 6. 
Chaerephon, Ap. 14. 
Chara, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 
Charmides, disciple of Socrates, B. 

i. 3. A saying of his, iii. 1. His 

poverty, iii. 9 ; iv. 29. 
Chiron, his virtues and pupils, Hu. 

i. His long life, i. 3. Honoured 

by Achilles, B. viii. 23. 
Cittus, mountain, Hu. xi. 1. 
Cleinias, brother of Alcibiades, loved 

by Critobulus, B. iv. 12. 
Corinth, battle near, A. ii. 5. See 

also ii. 18. 
Coroneia, battle of, A. ii. 9. 
Cowardice at Sparta, infamy of, L. 

Cranonians, in Thessaly, annoy 

Agesilaus, A. ii. 2. 
Crauge, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 
Cretan dogs, Hu. x. 1. 
Creusis, A. ii. 18. 
Critobulus, a disciple of Socrates. 

B. i. 3. Discourse on husbandry 

held with him, O. i. — v. His 

riches, ii. 3. Newly married, B. 

ii. 3. A handsome man, iii. 7 ; 

iv. 10. His love for Cleinias, iv. 

12. Socrates pretends to rival 

him in beauty, v. 1. 
Cynisca, sister of Agesilaus, A. ix. 

Cynoseephalae, A. ii. 22. 
Cyprus, merchandise brought from 

it to Athens, Ath. ii. 7. 
Cyrus the Younger, a saying of his, 

O. iv. 16. His popularity, ib. 

18. His war with his brother, 

ib. Planted trees, ib. 21. 
Dailochus, a favourite of Hiero, H. 



I^ T DEX. 

Deceleia, slaves of the Athenians 

there, 11. iv. 25. 
Delphi, L. viii. 5 ; A. i. 34. 
Diana, inventress and patroness of 
. hunting, Hu. i. 1 ; v. 14 ; xii. 18. 

Vows made to her, vi. 13. Her 

respect for Hippolytus, i. 11. 

Worshipped at Ephesus, A. i. 27. 
Diomede, a follower of Chiron, Hu. 

i. 2, 13. 
Dionysia, feast of Bacchus, Hi. iii. 

Dioscuri, made immortal for their 

virtue, B. viii. 29. 
Dodona, R. vi. 2. 
Draco, laws of, 0. xiv. 4. 
Economy, importance of, O. xx. 
Egypt, merchants from, Ath. ii. 7. 
Egyptians chose two kings, A. ii. 

Eleians, their love of boys, L. ii. 

13 ; B. viii. 34. Allied with the 

Mantineians and Thebans against 

the Lacedaemonians, A. ii. 23. 
Eleusinium, temple of Ceres at 

Athens, Hu. i. 1 ; Hi. iii. 2. 
Ephesus, A. i. 14, 25. 
Ephori at Sparta, power of, L. viii. 
Erectheus, author of the Eleusinian 

rites, B. viii. 40. 
Eubceans oppose Agesilaus, A. ii. 

6, 24. 
Euxine Sea, O. xx. 27. 
Ganymede, carried off by Jupiter, 

O. viii. 30. 
Getheus, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Gnome, , ib. 

Goods, defined, O. i. 7, seqq. 
Gorgias the Leontine, taught for 

money, B. i. 5. His style of 

speaking, ii. 26. 
Gorgons turned men into stone, B. 

iv. 24. 
Governing, art of, O. xxi. 
Greeks, their mode of bringing up 

girls, L. i. 3 ; boys, ii. 1. 
Graces, their dancing, B. vii. 5. 
Ground, nature of, how discover- 
able, O. xvi. 
Gryllus, son of Xenophon, killed in 

battle at an early age, Let. 4. 

Gylis, polemarch in the lattle cf 
Coroneia, A. ii. 15. 

Hebe, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Hegesilaus, a general of the Atheni- 
ans, R. iii. 7. 

Helicon, Mount, A. ii. 9. 

Hellespont, people bordering on, A. 
i. 14; ii. 11. Crossed by Agesi- 
laus, ii. 1. 

Heracleia, a stranger from, at 
Athens; perhaps Zeuxis, B. iv. 63. 

Heracleidae, Lycurgus lived in the 
time of the, L. x. 8. 

Hercules, honoured Telamon at the 
taking of Troy, Hu. i. 9. Made 
immortal for his virtue, B. viii. 
29. His posterity kings of Sparta, 

A. i. 2 ; viii. 7. 

Herippidas, a Spartan general, A. 
ii. 10. 

Hermse, a place so called from the 
statues of Hermes or Mercury, 
Hi. iii. 2. 

Hermogenes, friend of Socrates, 
Ap. 2 ; B. i. 3. Proud of his 
friends, that is, of the gods, iii. 
14 ; iv. 47. A good man, iv. 50. 
Explains the meaning of parcenia, 
vi. 2. Jested upon by Socrates, 
viii. 3. Exhorts Socrates to think 
of his defence, Ap. 9. Praises 
JEschines, Let. i. 1. 

Hesione, given by Hercules tc 
Telamon, Hu. i. 9. 

Hiero, king of Syracuse, his dis* 
course with Simonides, Hi. pas- 

Hippias, sophist, taught Callias the 
art of memory, B. viii. 62. 

Hippolytus, honoured by Diana., 
Hi. i. 10. 

Hipponicus, father of Callias, B. i. 
2. He, or another of that name, 
had six hundred slaves in the 
silver mines, R. iv. 15. 

Hoeing and weeding, O. xvii. 12. 

Homer, spoke of almost everything, 

B. iv. 6, 7. His poems learned 
by Niceratus, iii. 5. Attributed 
the gift of prophecy to people at 
the point of death, Ap. 30. 



Korme, a dog's name, vii. 5. 

Horse, how to judge of, ana manage, 
Ho. passim. 

Hours, dancing, B. vii. 5. 

Hunting hares, Hu. i. — viii. Deer, 
ix. Boars, x. Other wild beasts, 

Hyacinthia, festival at Sparta, A. 
ii. 17. 

Hybris, a dog's name, vii. 5. 

Hyleus, , ib. 

Impudence, or shamelessness, spok- 
en of as a goddess, B. viii. 35. 

Indian dogs, fit for hunting boars 
and stags, Hu. ix. 1 ; x, 1. 

Ionia, A. i. 14. 

Ionians, in the army of Agesilaus at 
Coroneia, A. ii. 11. 

Ischomachus, his conversation with 
Socrates on husbandry, O. vi. vii. 

Paly, Ath. ii. 7. 

Jupiter, has many names, B. viii. 9. 
His loves, ib. 29. Brother of 
Chiron by Rhea, Hu. i. 4. Sa- 
crifices offered to him by the 
Lacedaemonians, L. xiii. 2. 

Kings, advantages and disadvant- 
ages of their condition, H. pas- 
sim. Their duties, xi. 

Lacedaemonian dogs, called also 
Castorian, fit for hunting boars, 
Hu. x. 1,4. 

Lacedaemonians, exercise their girls 
as well as their boys, L. i. 4. 
Their modesty, ib. 5. Regula- 
tions about wives, ib. 7. Educa- 
tion of children, ii. 2, 3, seqq. 
They allow boys to steal, but 
punish them if discovered, ib. 6. 
Care of their children is in the 
hands of the state, ib. 1 1 and c. 
vi. Modesty of their young men 
and boys, ii. 13 and c. iii. Their 
youth exercised in hunting, iv. 7. 
Their meals taken publicly, v. 
Pursuit of wealth discouraged 
among them, vii. Their respect 
for magistrates and the laws, viii. ; 
and for morality, ix. Judgment 
passed on the lives of their old 

men, x. Their fondness for mili- 
tary pursuits, xi The Lacedae- 
monians, from a feeling of grati- 
tude, concede to the Athenians 
the supremacy of Greece, R. v. 7. 
They have mercenary cavalry, 
Hi. ix. 4. Invade Attica, vii. 4. 
Their love of youth, B. viii. 25. 
See Spartans. 

Larissa, people of, oppose Agesilaus, 
A. ii. 2. 

Lechasum, harbour of Corinth, A, 
ii. 2. 

Leuctra, A. ii. 22, 23. 

Leuso, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Lochos, , ib. 

Locri Ozolse, ) allies of the The- 

Opuntii, j bans, A. ii. 6. 

Locrian dogs, fit for hunting boars, 
Hu. x. 1. 

Lonche, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Love, its effects, B. i. 8. Different 
kinds of, viii. 

Lycabettus, mountain of Attica, O. 
xix. 6. 

Lyceum, gymnasium at Athens, iii, 

Lyco, father of Autolycus, B. i. 2 ; 
ii. 4. Proud of his son, iii. 12. 

Lycurgus, lived in the time of the 
Heracleidae, L. x. 8. "Wisdom of 
his institutions at Sparta, L. pas- 
sim. His laws confirmed by an 
oracle of Apollo, viii. 5. An 
oracle respecting him, Ap. 15. 

Lysander, his colloquy with Cyrus 
the Younger, O. iv. 20. 

Lvsistratus, Athenian general, R. 
"iii. 7. 

Macedonia, Agesilaus passes through 
it, A. ii. 2. 

Machaon, disciple of Chiron, Hu. i. 

Maaander, river, A. i. 15, 29. 

Mantineians, A. ii. 23. 

Master, importance of his presence 
among his workmen, O. xii. 

Mausolus besieges Sestus, A. ii. 26, 

Medas, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Median or Persian war, R. v. 5. 

Megabates, A. v. 4. 



Megara, situate midway between 
Boeotia and Attica, R. iv. 46. 

Melanion, husband of Atalanta, Hu. 
i. 2, 7. 

Meleager, disciple of ChiroH ; Hu. i. 
2, 10. 

Meletus, accuser of Socrat3s, Ap. 

Menestheus, Hu. i. 2, 12. 

Mercenaries, how they may be em- 
ployed, H. x. 1. 

Messene, ii. 29. 

Messenians, conquered by the La- 
cedaemonians, Ath. iii. 11. 

Milesian aristocracy put to death 
the plebeians, ib. 

Minerva, the Lacedaemonians sacri- 
fice to her, L. xiii. 2. Old men 
walk in procession at her festi- 
val, B. iv. 17. A temple of hers, 
A. ii. 13. 

Naiad, a, mother of Chiron, Hu. i. 

Naiads, mothers of the Sileni, B. v. 

Narthacius, Mount, A. ii. 5. 

Nestor, disciple of Chiron, Hu. i. 7. 
His military merit, ib. 12. 

Niceratus, friend of Callias, B. i. 2. 
Newly married, ii. 3. Learned 
all the poems of Homer, iii. 5. 
A lover of money, iv. 46. 

, father of Nicias, R. iv. 

Nicias, his son, had a thousand slaves 
in the mines, ib. 

, doubtful whether the same, 

O. ii. 4. 

Nicostratus, actor, B. vi. 3. 

Noes, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Nymphs, their dances, B. vii. 5. 

Nysa, mountain in Syria, Hu. ii. 

Odrysse, ride their horses at speed 
downhill, Ho. viii. 6. 

CEuas, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Olympus, B. viii. 30. 

Olympus in Mysia, Hu. xi. 1. 

Order, advantages of, O. viii. 3, 

Orchomenians, A. ii. 6. 

Orestes, friend of Pylades, B. viii 

Orge, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Pactolus, river of Lydia, A. i. 30. 

Palamedes, Ap. 26. Disciple of 
Chiron, Hu. i. 2. His wisdom, 
and unjust condemnation, ib. 11. 

Pallas. See Minerva. 

Panathengea, festival of, B. i. 2. 

Pangseus, mountain in Thrace, 
frequented by wild beasts, Hu. 
ii. 1. 

Paphlagonians, A. iii. 4. 

Patroclus, friend of Achilles, B. viii. 

Pausanias, an Athenian, lover of 
Agathon, B. viii. 32. A saying 
of his, ib. 

Peirseeus, harbour of Athens, Ath. i. 
17 ; R. iii. 13. House of Callias 
situate near, B. i. 2. 

Peireeon, port of Corinth, battle 
near, A. ii. 18. 

Peirithous, friend of Theseus, B. 
viii. 31. 

Peisander, Athenian orator, B. ii. 

Peleus, disciple of Chiron, marries 
Thetis, Hu. i. 2, 8. 

Peloponnesus, gates of the, A. ii. 

Pericles consulted the interests of 
his country, B. viii. 39. 

Persia, king of, undertakes an ex- 
pedition against Greece, A. i. 6. 
Orders the Lacedaemonians to 
give up Messene, ii. 29. His 
regard for agriculture and war, O. 
iv. 4. 

Phalerian marsh or lake, O. xix. 6. 

Phalerus, harbour of Athens, Hi. 
iii. 1. 

Pharnabazus, his cavalry annoys 
Agesilaus, A. i. 23. He offends 
Spithridates, iii. 3. His confer- 
ence with Agesilaus, ib. 5. 

Pharsalians oppose Agesilaus re- 
turning from Asia, A. ii. 2. 

Phasis, flax from, Hu. ii. 4. 

Philemonides, his three hundred 
slaves, R. iv. 15. 



T nilippus, a buffoon, B- i. 11; ii. 

14, 20—23, 27. His love of his 

occupation, iii. 11 ; iv. 51 ; vi. 

Phlego, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 
Phliasians, A. ii. 21. 
Phocians, A. ii. 6. Their war with 

the people of Delphi, R. v. 9. 
Phoenicia described, A. ii. 30. 
, large ship from, O. viii. 

Phoenix, honoured by Achilles, B. 

viii. 23. 
Phonax, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Phrura, , ib. 

Phrygia, A. i. 16. 

Phrygians in the Athenian army, 

R. ii. 3. 
Phthia, city of Thessaiy, A. ii. 5. 
Pindus frequented by wild beasts, 

Hu. ii. 1. 
Planting trees, modes of, xix. 1, 

Podalirius, disciple of Chiron, Hu. 

i. 2, 14. 
Pollux, disciple of Chiron, Hu. i. 2, 

Polycharmus, a Pharsalian, opposed 

to Agesilaus, A. ii. 4. 
Polys, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 
Pontus, in Asia Minor, Ath. ii. 7. 
Porpax, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Portho, , ib. 

Poverty, advantages of, B. iv. 29. 
Praise, most agreeable kind of, H . i. 

Pras, a town of Thessaiy, A. ii. 5. 
Procris, an eminent huntress, Hu. 

xiii. 18. 
Prodicus, sophist, tutor of Callias, 

B. i. 5 ; iv. 62. 
Promethea, festival in honour of 

Prometheus, Ath. iii. 4. 
Protagoras, sophist, B.i. 5. 
Psyche, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 
Punic or Carthaginian flax, Hu. ii. 

Pylades, friend of Orestes, B. vii. 

Pythii, attendants on the kings of 
Sparta, L. xv. 5. 

Reaping, O. xviii. 1, seqq. 

Rhapsodists, their character, B iii. 

Rhome, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Sardes, or Sardis, Agesilaus lays 
waste the country about it, A. i. 
29. Cyrus the Younger had a 
park there, O. iv. 20. 

Scolus, a town of Boeotia, A. ii. 22. 

Scotusssei, people of Thessaiy, A. ii. 

Sestus, A. ii. 26. 

Sicilian Sea, O. xx. 27. Sicilian 
banquets, Let. Fr. i. 

Sidon, A. ii. 30. 

Sileni, B. iv. 19 ; v. 7. 

Simo, an Athenian writer on Horse- 
manship, Ho. i. 1, 3 ; xi. 6. 

Simonides, his conversation with 
Hiero, H. passim. 

Snare for deer, described, Hu. ix. 
11, seqq. 

Socrates, why he chose to endure 
Xanthippe, B. ii. 10. Calls him- 
self a procurer, iii. 10 ; iv. 57. 
Resembled the Sileni, iv. 19. 
Pretends to vie with Critobulus 
in beauty, v. 1. Called a con- 
templator, vi. 6. His estimate 
of his property, O. ii. 3. Said 
that his life was his best defence, 
Ap. 4. His prophecy about the 
son of Anytus, ib. 30. Thought 
it better for him to die than to 
live, ib. 5. Dissuaded by his 
genius from studying a formal 
defence, ib. His philosophy, 
Let. Fr. i. 

Soil, different kinds of, O. xvii. 8. 

Solon, lawgiver, B. viii. 39 ; O. 
xiv. 4. 

Sophists, vanity and inefficiency of, 
Hu. xiii. 

Sosias, a Thracian, hires slaves from 
Nicias, R. iv. 14. 

Soteira, Letter to, Let. Fr. iii. 

Sowing, time for, O. xvii. 1. 

Sparta, powerful though not popu- 
lous, L. i. 1. 

Spartans fond of hunting, L. iv. 7. 
Go to battle with crowns on tharj 



Leads, xiii. 8. Distinguished from 
the Perioeci, A. ii. 24. See La- 

Spercho, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Spithriclates deserts Pliarnabazus, 

A. iii. 3. 

Spude, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Sterchos, ib. 

Stesimbrotus, interpreter of Homer, 

B. iii. 6. 

Stheno, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Stibo, ib. 

Sticho, ib. 

Styrax, ib. 

Syracusan, a, amuses the guests at 
the banquet of Callias, B. ii. 8 ; 
vi. 6 ; vii. 2, 5 : viii. 1 ; ix. 2. 
Has no -wish that men should be 
over-wise, iv. 56. 

Syrians in the Athenian army, R. 
ii. 3. 

Tantalus fears lest he should die 
twice, 0. xxi. 12. 

Taxis, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Tegea, city of Arcadia, A. ii. 23. 

Telamon, disciple of Chiron, mar- 
ries Periboea, Hu. i. 2. Receives 
Hesione from Hercules, ib. 9. 

Tcucho, a dog's name, Hu. vii. 5. 

Thalio, , ib. 

Thasus, wine of, B. iv. 41. 

Thebes, its distance from Athens, 
R. iv. 46. "War of the Seven 
Chiefs against, Hu. i. 8. 

Thebans, their love of boys, B. viii. 
34. Yield the supremacy to the 
Athenians, R. v. 7. Defeated by 
Agesilaus, A. ii. 6. Their lands 
laid waste, ib. 22. 

Themistocles delivered Greece, B. 
viii. 39. 

Theognis, quoted, B. viii. 39. 

Theseus, disciple of Chiron, his 

merits, Hu. i. 2, 10 Lovc4 
Peirithous for his virtue, B. viii 

Thessalians defeated by Agesilaus, 
A. ii. 3. 

Thetis married to Peleus, Hu. i. 8. 

Threshing, O. xviii. 3, seqq. 

Thymus, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Tissaphernes, his deceit, A. i. 11 
Deceived by Agesilaus, ib. 16, 
29. Defeated, ib. 32. Put to 
death by command of the king 
of Persia, ib. 35. 

Tithraustes commanded to put to 
death Tissaphernes, A. i. 35. 
Promises Agesilaus a large sum 
of money if he will quit his pro- 
vince, iv. 6. 

Troy taken by Hercules, Hu. i. 9, 
By Ulysses and Diomede, ib. 13. 

Tyrbas, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Ulysses, disciple of Chiron, his 
merits, Hu. i. 2, 13. Said to 
have occasioned the death of Pa- 
lamedes, Ap. 26. Defended, Hu. 
i. 11. 

Venus, two characters of, B. viii. 9. 

Wealth, mental, advantages of, B. 
iv. 34. 

Winnowing, O. xviii. 6, seqq. 

Wives, duties of, O. vii. 17, seqq. 
See also ex. 

Women, their minds susceptible oi 
cultivation, B. ii. 8. 

Xanthippe, wife of Socrates, B. ii. 

Xenophon, present at the banquet 
of Callias, but takes no part in 
the conversation, B. i. 1, &c. Re- 
marks on the Banquet. 

Xiphon, name of a dog, Hu. vii. 5. 

Zeuxippus, B. iv- 64, note. 

Zeuxis, O. x. It 







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